CGN Syntactic Annotation

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1 CGN Syntactic Annotation Heleen HOEKSTRA, Michael MOORTGAT, Bram RENMANS, Machteld SCHOUPPE, Ineke SCHUURMAN, Ton VAN DER WOUDEN December 2003 Preface In this document the CGN syntactic annotation is discussed in terms of dependency labels (functional information) and node labels (category information). In 2 we take a look at local dependencies, as they occur in the domain of the lexical content words. Subsequently, we deal with the annotation of non-local dependencies in 3. For this we take the opportunity to assign several dependency roles to a single constituent. Multiple dependency relationships also feature in 4, in the treatment of contraction phenomena occurring with coordination. In 5 some dependency relationships related to the discourse level are discussed. In 1 we start off by giving an overview of some strategic points of departure for the annotation method selected. The paragraphs are supplemented with NOTES (in gold), which document phenomena left untreated, problematic choices, etc which the annotators have encountered during the course of the project, as well as the decisions made in those instances. We would like to thank Gosse Bouma, Gertjan van Noord, Richard Piepenbrock and Michaela Poß for their comments on previous versions of this document. 1

2 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Points of departure Dependency structures Phenomena of the spoken word Scope Local dependency structures The verbal domain Dependency labels Category labels Extensions of verbal domains: complementizers The adjectival domain Complementation patterns Modification The prepositional domain Prepositional heads (Provisional) object of a preposition Absolute met-constructions Modifying elements Prepositional phrases The nominal domain De nominal nucleus De determiner Complements within the nominal constituent Modifying elements Appositions etc Deverbal nominalizations Vocatives etc Remaining cases Non-local dependencies Relative clauses Headless relative clause Constituent questions: main and subordinate clauses Coordination Asyndetic coordination Discourse structures Discourse markers Sentence extensions Asyndetic constructions

3 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie Anacoluthons and the like Mirror constructions Embedded dislocations

4 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 4 1 Points of departure The basic philosophy behind annotation is to establish the best possible input-output ratio as follows: Input At the input level we wish to keep the annotation diagrams used as simple as possible, in order to minimize the workload involved in the annotation and correction procedures. Output At the output level we wish to provide CGN-users with the most elaborate annotation information possible, in a format which can be put into different forms for different user groups. In order to achieve this, we take an initial annotation level which has as little theoretical bias as possible in terms of dependency structures. The initial annotation can be elaborated with information from POS-tagging and, through lexicological linking, from the CGN-lexicon as well. Combining these three sources of information will generate a number of output formats specifically tailored to the wishes of the different user groups. POS INFO OUTPUT FORMAT 1 DEPENDENCY INFO + LEXICON INFO OUTPUT FORMAT n For the output formats generated consider the following: category labels (c-labels) elaborated with morphosyntactic features; dependency labels (d-labels) elaborated with deep dependencies (e.g. semantic checks); surface-constituency trees in a user-friendly annotation (with or without empty elements etc.); presentation: options for the language used in the label sets (Dutch, English,... ) It is not possible to view the output level separately from the other annotation levels (i.e.: lexicological linking, prosodic annotation) and the Distribution software project component. This section is therefore limited to the initial dependency annotation. Some of the basic concepts are explained below. 1.1 Dependency structures A CGN-dependency structure D = <V, E> is a labelled specific, Acyclic Graph (DAG). We have disjunction collections CAT and DEP for labelling, node V and edges E respectively. - Nodes: CAT = POSCAT PHCAT: category labels (c-labels), the joining of lexical (part-of-speech) and phrasal labels. - Edges: DEP: dependency labels (d-labels). We distinguish segmented and unsegmented dependency structures. A segmented dependency structure is simply a node with a c-label from POSCAT. The basic elements of segmented dependency structures are referred to as the local dependency domains. The mother node of a dependency domain is labelled with a phrasal label from PHCAT. The daughters have c-labels from CAT. The d-labels for the mother-daughter branches are formed by a head, together with the complements and modifiers of that head.

5 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 5 Head The head of the dependency domain projects the c-label of the mother node. Complements The complementation pattern determines the interpretation of the head in terms of thematic structure. A complementation label only occurs once in any of the domains. Modifiers Modifying elements leave the c-label of the mother node untouched; they can be left out (in principle) without any effect on thematic structure. A modifier label can occur more than once within a single domain. Comments Using complementation and modification with a single dependency domain will generate shallow annotation structures. Some of the consequences: a new domain (hierarchical level) is only opened when a new head demands it; complementation and modification are relationships which phrases have in relation to the head: if there are no complements or modifiers, there is no need for non-branching projections; in the standard case dependency domains are lexically secured: the c-label of the header coincides with the POS-tag; the requirement that the head must project the c-label of the mother node, means that, where the POSinformation is underdetermined for that purpose, we can disambiguate the d-label of the head. EXAMPLE 1. Shallow verbal projections. At c-label level we distinguish finite and non-finite verbal projections. The finite form (=POS-tag) is the head of finite sentence types; the infinitive or the participle (=POS-tag) is the head of nonfinite sentence types. There is therefore no need for an intermediate VP-level in the finite sentence. EXAMPLE 2. At POS-level we do not distinguish between te as the head of a prepositional group (PP), or as the head of a non-finite verbal projection, the te-infinitive (TI): both are labelled T701 VZ(init). We disambiguate by using the d-label for te: for the head of TI the label CMP is used (see 2.1.3). 1 Dependency versus constituency structure From the above it will be clear that dependency annotation does not coincide with the (surface) constituency structure. In the CGN-annotation philosophy the latter is a derivative of dependency annotation. Dependency annotation, combined with lexicological linking, must provide adequate information which allows a (surface) constituency structure to be derived automatically as an export format. The form the constituency structure subsequently takes, can depend on the user group targeted, and the role that is assigned to the (surface) constituency structure as part of the CGN-annotation levels as a whole. 1 The annotation examples in this document have c-labels in small capital letters; the d-labels have been put into frames. The d-labels enhance the edges of the annotation graph: they are therefore not nodes. The POS-information is copied from the POS-annotation unchanged, and is usually not clarified here.

6 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 6 EXAMPLE. In the CGN-annotation verbal groups at the dependency level have a nested structure, justified by the different subcategorization requirements for the constituent heads. At the level of the (surface) constituency structure this nested structure can be realized as a flat series of verbs (e.g. for an HPSG-user) or rather as a verbal cluster constituent (e.g. if one wishes to gather information about prosodic phrasing from the constituency structure). Possible realization: flat Possible realization: V-cluster 1.2 Phenomena of the spoken word Speech knows a number of constructions which would generally be regarded as poorly expressed in well written language and are therefore seldom discussed in grammar textbooks (however, see de Vries (1911); Jansen (1981); de Vries (2001)). Parts of sentences can, for example, be left out or doubled for discourse or performance reasons: (1) doen we ( topic-drop ) (2) zijn vader beschuldigt hem dat hij zijn moeder vermoord heeft (provisional object of the preposition missing ) (3) je moet heel snel moet je weer wisselen ( mirror construction ) (4) ik vind inmaak vind ik veel lekkerder ( mirror construction ) These types of sentences are analysed normally and, if necessary, are allocated two subjects, verbal heads etc. see paragraphs 5.4 for details. A sharp distinction must be made between constructions like these and another speech phenomenon, performance errors and subsequent repairs : (5) bij een huwelijk was het vroeger gemakkelijk gezegd: tot de dood hon*u ons scheidt hè 2 2 If better understanding of the examples requires it, punctuation is added which is not used by CGN itself. In CGN the only punctuation marks used are the full stop (.), question mark (?) and ellipsis (...).

7 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 7 (6) en het is waarschijnlijk het uh misschien het eten van sushi of ik weet niet wat In (5) the speaker says hon where he or she obviously means on(s); anyway, the error is immediately corrected. In (6) he or she starts with het is waarschijnlijk, and subsequently realizes that this will result in an utterance that is too forceful and then replaces the adverb by a weaker word, i.e. misschien. In such cases we automatically assume that corrected sentence fragments are not part of the sentence; they are therefore not included in syntactic annotation. If a slip of the tongue is not corrected, the incorrect word is included in the annotation: in sentence (7) zonderlijke functions as a modifier for the noun, uitroeking is the head of the passive subject- NP in (8). (7) er lag geen spoor van humor in die zonderlijke vragen (8) [... ] waarin hij de uitroeking van de Pliniaanse volkeren aanbeval [... ] NOTES Generally speaking, when a word is repeated, only the occurrence furthest to the right is included in the tree. Where it is corrected, the initial utterance should also be left out of the tree. On the other hand, we wish to provide a syntactic analysis for as much of the text as possible. This means that sometimes a tree is constructed for something that is later corrected, but this incorrect tree will not be connected to the main tree. For example: (9) ik zeg ik wil uh ik wil dat wel gaan doen We construct a small tree for the first occurrence of ik wil, which is not connected to the rest. We take a pragmatic approach though: if this results in a very strange tree, it is left out. The same applies for a correction of the contents (the speaker realizes it is vier jaren instead of drie): (10) Maar ik heb lang in de drie in de vier jaren lesgegeven In a sentence like (11) dat gebeurt eens in de drie vier jaar there is no self correction: drie vier means (approximately) drie or vier. We make a LIST of (see 4.1) which is DET (see 2.4.2). There is also repetition as a stylistic device: (12) hij liep langzaam, langzaam op het beest af (13) we drinken drinken drinken totdat we zinken zinken zinken AS there is no reasonable alternative, lists (LIST) are made of those as well. 1.3 Scope Although this document describes a considerable number of constructions in Dutch, it is, of course, impossible to cover Dutch grammar exhaustively. The phenomena which are not covered here need to be analysed within the spirit of this document as much as possible. The annotators document such cases, as well as the decisions made with respect to them.

8 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 8 2 Local dependency structures We will discuss dependency domains with verbal, adjectival, prepositional and nominal heads respectively. The different domains are given labels such as d-labels HD (head) and MOD (modifier). The d-labels are therefore interpreted as context-dependent : the POS-information of the head determines the mother node for that particular domain (NP, AP, PP, or one of the verbal projections in Figure 2); the c-label for the mother node, in turn, indicates whether MOD is an adjectival or an adverbial modifier. Similarly, for d-labels of complements we use context sensitive interpretation as much as possible. For example, OBJ1 is the most prominent argument in the verbal as well as the nominal domain ( object in a verbal head, causal noun in an adjectival head, etc.). 2.1 The verbal domain Dependency labels d-label DESCRIPTION head HD verbal head (finite or non-finite) complementation SU subject SUP provisional subject OBJ1 direct object POBJ1 provisional direct object SE compulsory reflexive object OBJ2 secondary object (indirect object) PREDC predicative complement VC verbal complement PC prepositional clause ME measure (duration, weight,... ) complement LD locative or directional complement SVP separable part of verb modification MOD PREDM adjectival modifier predicative modifier during the act Figure 1: d-labels: verbal domain Verbal head We distinguish finite and non-finite verbal domains. In both instances the verb (in finite or non-finite form) is allocated the d-label HD. The combination of the d-label and the characteristics information in the POS-label differentiates between the finite and non-finite domain in example T301 below: WW (pv,tgw,ev) versus T314: WW(inf,vrij,zonder). (14) je zal wel moe zijn

9 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 9 Subject, provisional subject the dependency role SU (subject) only occurs in combination with a verbal head indicating tense (finite verbs T301 T309). The dummies het and er can function as a provisional subject (SUP), if the subject with content is not at its canonical position at the beginning of the sentence. Provisional subjects are reduced, semantically empty forms, which must be distinguished from other non-reduced forms which do carry content such as daar in (18). (15) je verbaast me (SU) (16) het verbaast me dat je dat weet (SUP+SU) (17) er valt iets (SUP+SU) (18) daar gaat ze (MOD+SU)

10 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 10 Direct object, provisional direct object In verbal domains the d-label OBJ1 is assigned to the complement which in the passive appears in de SU role, and with the accusative object in the accusativus cum infinitivo -construction AcIconstruction (with causative doen, laten, and perception verbs zien, horen, voelen,... ), where passivization is not possible. As with the subject, the OBJ1-position can also be taken up by a provisional object (POBJ1). (19) ik betreur dit (OBJ1) (20) (omdat) ik het betreur dat je dat vraagt (POBJ1+ OBJ1) (21) je liet me schrikken (OBJ1) Compulsory reflexive object Criterion for assigning the SE label: it is impossible to replace the SE labelled element by a full NP whilst at the same time retaining the meaning of the verbal head. Compare: (22) ze vroeg zich *de jongen af of hij nog zou komen (23) we schaamden ons *de jongens (24) hij voelt zich *hem tevreden (25) hij wast zich zijn voeten (no SE) NOTE. We also use the label SE for non-verbal heads, as in (26) hij houdt het voor zich *de jongens (27) hij is zich *de jongens bewust van de consequenties

11 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 11 Secondary object: indirect, benefactive, experienced object It is not always easy to distinguish between the indirect (IO), benefactive (BO) and experienced (EO) object. ANS (which covers the indirect and benefactive objects in a single section) says the following on this subject. INDIRECT OBJ part of a sentence which can or must occur with certain verbs and nominal predicates and indicates a substantive at which the action expressed by the predicate and the object or causal object is directed. BENEFACTIVE OBJ indicates who or what benefits from the action expressed by the verbal predicate. In contrast to the indirect object it is seldom compulsory. EXPERIENCED OBJ part of a sentence which can or must occur with certain verbal or nominal predicates and indicates a substantive which undergoes the action expressed by the predicate. It never takes the form of a prepositional constituent. (28) hij geeft haar alles (IO) (29) hij heeft alles aan haar gegeven (IO) (30) ze schenkt hem een borrel in (BO) (31) het verbaast me dat je nog aan het werk bent (EO) (32) hij rookt me te veel (EO) To keep annotation practicable, an umbrella label OBJ2 (secondary object) is used, which must be distinguished from the direct object (OBJ1). Predicative complement This is an umbrella label for subject and object-oriented predicative complements. They are taken together because their semantic orientation can be laid down in the lexical entry for the heads which select these complements. In traditional terminology (cf. ANS) the PREDC will appear as: - nominal predicate for copulas; - predicative determiner according to the action ( during the action see modifier label PREDM in 2.1.1); - resultative verbal predicate (or predicative modifier as a result of the action ). (33) ze is moe (34) ze vindt hem een schat (35) hij drinkt zich nog dood (36) zij verfde het kastje rood

12 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 12 Verbal complements. We can use the d-label VC for non-finite verbal complements. The VC dependency role is allocated to groups of verbs within the verbal constituent, as discussed in chapter 18 of ANS (pp ). This deals with complements with c-labels INF, PPART, TI, AHI, OTI (see tables 2 and 3). These are the verbal complements of compulsory clustering auxiliaries of tense and modality, and of causative/permissive (doen, laten) and sensory verbs (horen, zien, voelen,... ). Examples: (37) het blijft tobben (INF as VC) (38) hij heeft veel gelezen (PPART as VC) (39) zij bleek heel intelligent te zijn (TI as VC) (40) je maakt me aan het lachen (AHI as VC) (41) ik hoor haar zingen (bare infinitive as VC) Note that the accusative in AcI-constructions (haar in (41)) is tagged as OBJ1 of the matrix verb horen rather than (logical or otherwise) SU of the embedded verb zingen. The VC dependency role is also assigned to the short subordinate clause (clabel TI or OTI) in complementation patterns in which a nominal constituent also occurs as the direct object (OBJ1). Clustering does not occur with such complements. (42) je dwingt me (om) strenger op te treden (TI OTI as VC) In the case of a nominal OBJ2- or SE-complements it is no problem to place a free adjunct in the role of a direct object clause. (43) ik vroeg hun om hun mond te houden (OTI as OBJ1) (44) hij verbood hun om nog langer te praten (OTI as OBJ1) Object of a preposition The PC label is used for PP-complements with a fixed preposition as the head. Characteristics are: - the fixed preposition cannot be replaced by another preposition without changing the meaning of the verbal head with the PC-complement; - in terms of composition, the fixed preposition does not add meaning to this complementation pattern (in contrast to the prepositions in modifiers and LD-complements). (45) hij wacht op haar (PC)

13 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 13 (46) hij wacht op het perron (MOD) Measure complement The ME d-label is for complements indicating the measure (weight, duration, price,... ) of the subject. In contrast to the direct object (OBJ1) these ME-complements cannot be passivized. (47) het kost 20 gulden (48) de vergadering duurt uren Optional indications of measure, as in (49) we hebben uren gefietst are tagged as modifier ( MOD) in line with tradition. Locative or directional complement We use LD as an umbrella label for complements of place and direction. The lexical semantics of the verb and the (head of) the complement (the adverb and prepositions in the examples below) can be used for further specification. (50) het ligt boven (51) hij legt het op tafel (52) ze ging naar huis

14 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 14 Separable part of the compound verb The particle part of a separable compound verb (d-label SVP) is regarded as the element of the complementation pattern which is most closely connected to the verbal head: Although it can (and sometimes must) be separated from the verbal element, this is not always the case. (53) ik bel je morgen terug (compulsory separation) (54) of je hem morgen terugbelt (compulsory connection) (55) ik zal je morgen terugbellen (compulsory connection) (56) ik probeer je morgen terug te bellen (compulsory separation) (57) of je hem morgen terug wil bellen (optional separation) The SVP role can be realized by the following categories: preposition, adverb, adjective and noun. (58) of je haar door wil laten (POS: preposition) (59) of je het weg wil brengen (POS: adverb) (60) of je het klaar wil maken (POS: adjective) (61) dat je hier moeilijk adem kan halen (POS: noun) Annotation problems can be expected when making the distinction between the SVP and PREDC or LD in cases where - the semantics of a combination are purely compositional;

15 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 15 Examples: - with certain verbal stems the SVP cannot only be realized by means of a lexical element, but also by means of a complete clause. (62) hij stuurt haar weg naar huis (LD) (63) de deur viel dicht in het slot (PREDC) (64) ze steekt haar handen omhoog in de lucht (LD) Some criteria which will help make this choice for the SVP are given below. - The combination of SVP + verbal element can constitute the input for morphological derivation (e.g. vrijlating, bekendmaking, ademhaling, but *groenverving) an adequate but non-compulsory requirement. - The combination of SVP + verbal element can stay together within the verbal cluster (e.g. (of je haar) wil wegbrengen in addition to weg wil brengen) a compulsory but inadequate requirement (Flemish clusters!). Non-compositional cases are sometimes tagged as SVP: (65) de zaak is uit de hand gelopen (66) hoe een natuurlijke taal precies in elkaar zit (67) om nieuwe samenwerkingen tot stand te brengen Modifying elements in the verbal domain For adjuncts in the verbal domain we distinguish PREDM and MOD. The d-label PREDM is used for what is referred to as the predicative adjunct during the action. This type of predicative adjunct acts as a modifier, and must therefore be distinguished from the predicative adjunct according to/resulting from the action which belongs to the complementation pattern, as shown above in the section discussing sentence (33) and following.

16 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 16 (68) hij kwam dronken thuis ( during the action, PREDM) (69) je maakt je nog vuil ( resulting from the action, PREDC) (70) dat smaakt lekker ( according to the action, PREDC) No further semantic distinctions are made between adjuncts of place, time, purpose, result, modality, in relation to the traditional adverbial adjuncts (a total of 21 types in ANS): they are all tagged with the default modifier label MOD. The fact that we are dealing with an adverbial adjunct is clear from the verbal c-label of the mother node in the local dependency domain. The door-clause in passive sentences ( actor ) (71) de winnaar werd gekust door de rondemiss (72) de winnaar werd door de rondemiss gekust (73) door de rondemiss werd de winnaar gekust (74) de overtreders kregen door de politierechter een rijverbod opgelegd. is also tagged as a MOD. This adjunct is attached at the level of the lexical verb rather than the HD level, because we find similar adjuncts with nominalizations: (75) het kussen van de winnaar door de rondemiss (76) het door minderjarigen roken van sigaren (77) de verovering van Carthago door de Romeinen In relation to adjuncts within the verbal domain, the so-called modal particles or judgement particles deserve special attention: these elements form a cluster within which no head can be distinguished and which therefore require the introduction of a c-label, which is not projected from one of the main word classes. ANS distinguishes judgement particles from the classic adverbs of modality (misschien, wellicht, allicht, weliswaar, inderdaad; godweet, wieweet (ANS: 456)) as elements which concern the entire contents of the sentence and subtly colour it ( ANS: 457). To illustrate this, an overview of roles which the modal particle maar can play is given below. 3 3 Please note: in addittion to its roles as judgement particle maar has many other functions, of course!

17 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 17 weakens the assertiveness of statements and commands: ik ga maar weg; kom maar, ik doe je heus geen kwaad challenging: kom maar, ik lust je rauw duration 1: hij zit maar te zeuren de hele dag duration 2: en maar zeuren, de hele dag door in wishes 1: counterfactual: was ik maar bij moeder thuis gebleven in wishes 2: als hij me maar niet vergeet Judgement particles have a fixed position in the sentence, at the boundary between old and new information. 4 In this position they form a cluster, which can sometimes contain as many as six elements. (78) ik heb haar het boek nu toch eindelijk maar eens teruggegeven (79) ik heb haar nu toch eindelijk maar eens een boek gegeven (80) geef de boeken dan nu toch maar eens even hier Smaller clusters have a tendency to fossilize; this is sometimes expressed in the spelling (weleens and wel eens, allang and al lang), but this is fairly random, and we do not wish to assume here that the transcribers will adhere strictly to the rules of het Groene Boekje. It is often useful to treat them as entities, since the combination functions as a semantic entity as well. Examples of such fixed combinations are: al eens, dan ook, maar eens, wel eens, weer eens In the case of clusters of judgement particles the elements constituting them are grouped under the c-label ADVP. This group as a whole acts out the MOD-role within the verbal domain. As we do not wish to commit to selecting one of these particles as the head of the ADVP-group, the elements are tagged with the d-label PRT. The c-label ADVP can, of course, also be used for phrases within which MOD+HD- articulation can be applied. 4 Or: topic/comment.

18 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 18 (81) hij is haast nooit ziek An ADVP can also be (syntactically) ambiguous between a group of particles and a normal ADVP. Whether it is one or the other can often be deduced from its context, either within the sentence or the text. Also the stress pattern of the sentence is often an indication. (82) ik krijg nog ns een PUNThoofd van jou (group of particles) (83) zeg dat NOG ns als je durft (MOD+HD) NOTES SVP In the following examples af, toe, rekening and naar voren respectively have been classified as an SVP. (84) we vroegen ons af of... (85) we zijn dan toe aan agendapunt negen de mededelingen (86) we zullen er rekening mee houden (87) ik denk dat het belangrijk is dat u zo n punt van zorg naar voren brengt In the first example, af, is non-controversial: it is part of the verb zich afvragen which has completely different characteristics, and a different meaning, to the (intransitive) base word vragen; zich afvragen is a separate entry in the dictionary (if dictionaries contradict each other, in principle the CGN lexicon decides). The reasoning applied for toe is along the same lines, although no separate verb (with fixed preposition aan) can be found in the dictionary for toezijn. The third example, rekening is a dubious one: the combination of an SVP and a verbal head cannot be separated by an adverbial adjunct head, but the word (for speakers and writers at least) functions as a common direct object in the passive test (rekening moet worden gehouden met de volgende punten... ). Additional arguments: it cannot occur with an article (in other constructions this is possible), cannot be modified (idem) and it cannot be referred back to (idem). Naar voren in example (87) is originally an LD, but also meets the criterion that the combination naar voren and the verbal head brengt cannot be separated by adverbial adjuncts but, generally speaking, this is also true for directional adjuncts. However, there are more arguments in favour of nevertheless tagging naar voren as an SVP here: its literal directional meaning has been lost, and modification is impossible. Compare:

19 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 19 (88) het punt van zorg dat u (*recht) naar voren brengt (SVP) (89) de ballen die de keeper (recht) naar voren schiet (LD) Empty het and empty er Apart from its use as an anticipatory subject, anticipatory direct object, etc. het also has a number of empty uses, e.g. as a subject (Haeseryn et al. 1997:1133). (90) het vriest dat het kraakt (91) hoe gaat het met u? (92) het ontbreekt hem aan moed (93) het werkt prettig op deze kamer In such instances het does not carry meaning and has no reference function, only a syntactic one ( Haeseryn et al. 1997:1133). Het can also be an empty direct object (Haeseryn et al. 1997:1154): (94) de presidente had het warm (95) samen zullen we het wel rooien (96) hij zette het op een lopen (97) de veldwachter had het op mij gemunt (98) weer een keer dat we het erover hebben We cannot think of any instances in which het occurs as an empty indirect object. ANS does mention the use of the pronominal adverb as an empty object of the preposition (Haeseryn et al. 1997:1176): (99) nu ben je erbij (100) we trokken erop uit There appear to be no arguments against describing these as the subject, direct object, indirect object or object of the preposition respectively in CGN from a syntactic point of view these elements function as such, and it is irrelevant for our purposes that semantically there is not much to see of this. Things are more complex with er, which can take up the initial position in sentences without a subject. (Haeseryn et al. 1997:471): (101) er wordt hard gereden op de snelweg (102) er is niets te zien (103) er valt niets te veranderen When another part of the sentence is placed in the initial position, this er sometimes becomes optional, but not always which can also vary from speaker to speaker (or dialect) (Bennis 1986): (104) op de snelweg wordt (er) hard gereden (105) hard gereden wordt *(er) op de snelweg (106) te zien is *(er) niets (107) niets is?(er) te zien (108) te veranderen valt er niets (109) niets valt (er) te veranderen

20 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 20 According to Stef Grondelaers, (who has written his thesis on the subject (Grondelaers 2000), although we are quoting from his abstract for the particle conference held in December 2000 in Brussels), er in this type of sentence is not empty: he believes that er is a presentative particle the speaker inserts when he expects that the hearer will invest too much energy in the processing of a subject which, although it is located in the sentence-final position restricted to maximally newsworthy items, is of limited communicative importance. By using er, the speaker warns the hearer for the subject, and advises him to deactivate the inferences generated with respect to the subject, in order to guarantee as cost-free a processing of the subject as possible, which in turn is related to the following characteristics: that presentative sentences with er rarely contain informationally rich subjects, but often contain negated subjects; that the subject in presentative sentences with er rarely persists in discourse after it has been introduced ( Givón 1983:14 ff.); that er significantly facilitates the processing of the subject entity in presentative sentences in which the preposed adjunct refers to an abstract or contextually non-activated entity; that er significantly facilitates the processing of subject entities which are incongruent with the inferences generated by the preposed adjunct and the main verb. All of which would argue in favour of not interpreting er as purely grammatical, but as something carrying meaning: therefore a MOD, which is how we shall proceed. In cases such as: (110) waar zit m dat in m is not part of the complementation pattern for zitten. It would rather appear to be a case in which a relict of the dativus ethicus, which functions as a modal particle (compare for example Wegener (1989)), i.e. as a MOD. (Also see Me and daar as modal particle on p. 23) PREDC In line with tradition (Den Hertog), we refer to weg in het boek is weg and uit de mode in die hoed is uit de mode as the nominal predicate (PREDC), because the adverb and the prepositional constituents act as an adjective (ANS). In (111) wie is deze meneer? (112) wat wil jij later worden? (113) wat zijn de kenmerken van de verbrandingsmotor? interrogative pronouns act as the nominal predicate. The last example shows that the verb zijn is congruous with de kenmerken..., so that this word cluster must be the subject. According to Den Hertog we should not think of die japon staat goed as a construction with a copula, in other words goed is not a PREDM there, but a MOD. In sentences like hij is dertien we follow tradition, i.c. ANS (435, 1204): dertien is seen as a substantively used cardinal number, acting as a nominal predicate (ellipsis for dertien jaar oud), i.e., PREDC. The same applies for: (114) die toren is 100 meter (hoog) (115) het water is 21 graden (warm) MOD in the case of verb ellipsis Hij moet echt op de hand (gewassen (worden)) (sfn000740,18). It is common to use sentences like we moeten naar huis: gaan has been left out, but we allow for the role of the MOD which would normally be played by gaan to nevertheless be played by naar huis

21 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 21 or by moeten, do moeten is given an LD here. Following a similar logic, moeten is also an option for the MOD in sentences like de auto is kapot dus we moeten op de fiets. If we allow this, and the parser has already become accustomed to moeten as a MOD, this approach can also be taken with slightly heavier verbs, such as wassen: only a very limited number of verbs can inherit arguments and modifiers, and apparently do so with all kinds of verbal complements. Kijken/zoeken naar/in/achter/onder/...prepositional complements for kijken and zoeken are tagged LD. (For kijken/zoeken of..., see the NOTES below 2.1.3) Werken with complements and modifiers In the case of werken aan we are dealing with a PC, but in the case of werken met (je handen, twee collega s), werken in (het onderwijs, een inrichting voor zwakzinnigen), werken bij (de bakker, het spoor, je tante in de huishouding) and werken voor (een hongerloontje, een Griekse oliemagnaat) we are dealing with a MOD. Vinden Vinden, meaning to believe, has a PREDC and an OBJ1 (ik vind dat stom) or a PC (wat vindt u van Brahms?) Komen met Hij kwam met een heel bijzondere verklaring voor zijn afwezigheid. Met... : PC. Beginnen met, bij PC. Praten met, over; denken over PC. Verbs with mee Generally speaking, it is predictable that a possible complement of a compound verb starting with mee is a predicate cluster with met: (116) meelopen met de optocht (117) meegaan met de tendens (118) twintig minuten laten meekoken met de aardappels (119) meekomen met de meester (120) meespelen met de Lotto Such mee-adjucts are tagged as PC. However, there are exceptions to this rule: (121) we weigeren mee te werken aan deze schending van de internationale rechtsorde (122) ik zou graag willen meedenken over een oplossing here also, the prepositional clauses are tagged as PC. Doen aan, met The PP will get a PC, regardless of whether the prepositional object is affected : (123) zij doet aan karate (124) zij doet iets aan de kapotte kraan (125) wat doen we met moeder met de feestdagen

22 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 22 The first met-constituent in (125) is a PC, the second is a time adjunct, of course, and therefore a MOD. Please note: in moeder doet niet mee aan/met de rituele vleesverbranding, where we find the verb meedoen, aan/met... is also a PC. Aan... gaan In aan de gang gaan, aan de wandel gaan, aan het bier gaan etc. aan... is tagged as the PC. Krijgen the van-constituent with krijgen (dat heb ik van Sinterklaas gekregen) is a PC. Maken In zij maakte van boter een toverheks, van boter is a PC. We are not going to get into semantic hair splitting over whether or not the object is affected. Van je kamer in je maakt een troep van je kamer is therefore also tagged as a PC, as is even (the second) werk in werk maken van werk. Er... uit is an LD when its use is literal (we komen uit het bos), and a PC when it is used figuratively ( we komen vandaag nog uit het probleem). Two tests: the literal variety allows for modification with regelrecht, and the literal figurative version allows uit to become a postposition (we komen het bos uit vs. *we komen het probleem uit).we komen er niet uit We zijn het eens (over... ) Eens is the head of an AP which acts as the PREDC, with het as an (empty) OBJ1 and the optional over-adjunct as the PC. The verb zijn Examples: With the verb zijn it is sometimes difficult to determine, which type of complement we are dealing with. (126) het weegt twee kilo (ME) (127) het is zwaar (PREDC) (128) het is twee kilo (ME? PREDC?) (129) hij was in Amsterdam (LD) (130) het was in 1993 (MOD?) (131) het was in Amsterdam (LD? MOD?) In (131) in Amsterdam can mean in the city of Amsterdam or when we were (living) in Amsterdam. In the latter case we are dealing with a time adjunct, so that in Amsterdam should be tagged as a MOD, as in (130). However, in that case it is a compulsory modifier, as it cannot be left out (* het was). In the first case het was is ambiguous between het bevond zich (LD) and het vond plaats (LD? MOD?). The choice is made as follows: (132) het is twee kilo tien euro... PREDC (133) het was (= bevond zich) in Amsterdam LD (134) het was (= vond plaats) in Amsterdam MOD Dat heeft niks met syntaxis te maken a problematic construction. We have opted for a TI which acts as an SVP for heeft, and a PC met syntaxis and an OBJ1 niets, also for heeft. The verb can be replaced by schaften, doen, uitstaan (depending on the speaker and the contents of the sentence). Erbij, ervoor staan Usually an LD: ik stond erbij en ik keek ernaar, but sometimes an SVP: hoe staan de tuinbonen erbij dit jaar? Similarly with ervoor: usually an LD, sometimes an SVP: hoe staan we d rvoor?

23 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 23 Even if we go by intuition, a word like even (or effen, eventjes, efkes), as used in the examples below, is related to the main verb rather than the sentence as a whole: (135) ik zal even kijken (136) ga even zitten However, even also occurs in longer particle clusters: (137) ik zal er wel nog wel eens even naar kijken (138) ga maar eerst even rustig zitten There is a tendency to tag such long clusters of small words as an unanalysed cluster (ADVP), a cluster directly attached to the SMAIN-node. It could be argued that even can be left out, and nevertheless be attached further down the tree, as it is nearly always at the end of a cluster (de Vriendt et al. 1991). However, this is contrary to the spirit of the whole (nihilistic) idea of the particle cluster, which is, after all, a way of not having to deal with a very difficult problem straight away (ie. giving a syntactic description of the modal particles at the centre). Given the fact that our previously discussed intuition, about what part of the sentence even is related to, does not necessarily have a bearing on the syntactic position of the word, we will treat even as a sentence modifier, and add it to a particle cluster ADVP whenever it occurs. N.B.: if it is obvious from context, the way it is pronounced, or its modifiability with heel, that even must be taken literally ( a short while ), it can be analysed as being related to the main verb. N.B. 2: this will result in the analysis of a commonly used construction like ns even kijken of ze al gebeld hebben as a DU (which may be specified as an adhortative later on), with eens even being put together in an ADVP under a DP: Wat... nog meer? Nog meer is a PREDM, whilst nog and meer are PRTs. Me and daar as modal particle For example in toen heb ik ze me daar toch een pak rammel gegeven. Me daar toch together as the ADVP, three times a PRT. (Also see m in (110)) Category labels Figure 2 gives the c-labels which are projected from the verbal heads (either finite or non-finite). At this stage of annotation we limit ourselves to purely formal distinctions in terms of the position of the finite verb (final, initial or in

24 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 24 secondary position respectively) for the c-labels of finite sentences (SSUB, SV1, SMAIN). If, at some point, higher discourse levels are included in the annotation, it will become possible to add functional information for these heads related to their dependency roles (question, command,... ). c-label SMAIN SSUB SV1 INF PPART PPRES OMSCHRIJVING declarative sentence (verb in secondary position) subordinate clause (V final) verb initial sentence (yes/no-question, command) bare infinitive cluster past /passive participle cluster present - participle cluster Figure 2: c-labels: mother nodes of verbal domains Declarative sentence Head is the finite verb (labelled HD), which is in secondary position. (139) het waait (140) soms regent het (141) dat vind ik niet lekker Note that constituent questions like wanneer vertrekt de trein naar Brussel are labelled differently: see 3.3. We have put secondary position between quotation marks as some adverb-type elements can be placed between the initial sentence position and the inflected verb: (142) Wim echter was allang ingevroren In some exclamations the inflected verb is also placed in secondary position: (143) hij heeft me toch een mooie boeken gekocht! (144) in die kast staan toch een mooie boeken! From a syntactic point of view, these exclamations do not distinguish themselves from declarative sentences in any way; in the syntactic annotation they are not treated separately. Verb initial sentence The SV1 label is for finite verbal domains in which the finite verb (HD) is placed initially. This is used mainly in polar questions (yes/no-questions), directions (commands using the imperative form of the verb) and conjunctionless conditional subordinate clause. (145) schaam je je niet (polar question) (146) schaam je (command) (147) val dood (command)

25 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 25 (148) houd je van vlees, braad je in Croma (conjunctionless conditional subordinate clause) Also topic-drop-sentences like (149) doen we (150) heb ik al gedaan are categorized as SV1, based on form. At a later stage, a more refined collection of discourse labels can be used to make a functional distinction between the different types of sentences with the finite verb in initial position. Subordinate clause: verb final. For the treatment of SSUB please see There the subordinate conjunctions requiring SSUB-constituents as a complement are treated Extensions of verbal domains: complementizers The finite and non-finite verbal projections discussed can be extended with complementizer-elements. In Figure 3 the c- labels projected by the complementizers are given. The d-label CMP is used for the complementizer and BODY for the main part of the verbal projection. (For treatment of the extensions of the verbal domain with (interrogative, relative) pronouns with the REL,WHREL,WHQ,WHSUB labels, please see 3, which introduces multiple dependency relationships.) CP-phrases can play the role of a complementizer or a modifier. Below you will find a few examples of CP-complements. The choice of a specific complementizer ( dat, of ) can be recorded in the lexicon. (151) hij vroeg zich af of ze nog zou komen (CP in the role of OBJ1) (152) ze vermoedde dat hij niet meer zou komen (CP in the role of OBJ1) In the example below van is viewed as the complementizer introducing a complement sentence in direct speech (SV1 or SMAIN). d-label CMP BODY c-label CP SVAN TI OTI AHI DESCRIPTION complementizer body DESCRIPTION phrase introduced by a subordinate conjunction van-sentence (complement in direct speech) te-infinitive cluster om te-infinitive cluster aan het- infinitive cluster

26 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 26 Figure 3: Complementizer extensions of verbal domains (153) die vroeg aan mij van: is die dan getrouwd? (154) dan heb ik zoiets van: laat maar... In the examples below the CP acts as a modifier. (155) als je het weet, mag je het zeggen (MOD) (156) omdat je het vraagt, zal ik het je zeggen (MOD)

27 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 27 NOTE : In the case of AHI we treat the combination aan het as a complex (multiword) complementizer: the het element plays a purely grammatical role here. This means that the aan and het elements, which are tagged separately at the POS- annotation level, are joined in syntactic annotation. Such a fossilized word cluster, which cannot be analysed any further is labelled MWU (for multiple word unit ), with similar daughters MWP. In the same treatment is adopted for het + adjective in comparative constructions (het meest, ik vind hem het aardigst,... ). Complex conjunctions It is a classic sign of Dutch embedded sentences that the main position can be taken up by more than one element at a time. (157) zijn er meer mogelijkheden dan wat of je nu hebt?

28 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 28 (158) ik zie niet in wie dat dat allemaal gaat kunnen realiseren Variations with of hardly seem to occur in Belgium, therefore variations with three elements are only expected to be found in the Netherlands: (159) zijn er meer mogelijkheden dan wat of dat je nu hebt? (160) ik zie niet in wie of dat dat allemaal gaat kunnen realiseren Such combinations are treated as an MWU, which acts as a WHD in a WHSUB: in this case with a secondary edge OBJ1 of the MWU to the SSUB. It is also possible that the conjunction appears to be missing. We know that om can frequently be omitted in brief subordinate clauses: the subordinate clause is labelled OTI or TI, depending on whether or not om is present or not: (161) je dwingt me (om) strenger op te treden (TI OTI as VC) (162) de kans (om) een gouden medaille te winnen (TI OTI as VC) There are also examples of the conjunction dat having been omitted, occurring both in the Netherlands and Belgium: (163) voor het geval er iemand wordt gepakt of doorslaat (164) voor het geval ik in de verleiding kwam The construction (voor) het geval means something like if, and dat can only be omitted if geval is not modified (* voor het zeldzame geval ik in de verleiding kwam); het cannot be replaced by anything else (*voor een geval ik in de verleiding kwam, *voor dat geval ik in de verleiding kwam). Here het geval syntactically acts as a conjunction (CMP), and this is also how the combination is analysed. Other similar conjunctions of a phrasal origin are, among others indien, voor zover (voorzover) and its close relative ingeval.

29 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 29 NOTES Of -zinnen In a sentence like (165) ik zal (hem) eens bellen of hij komt we label the of hij komt- complement, which indicates purpose, as a MOD. After all, the object is the person who is being called and the VC label has been set aside for real (i.e. non-final) verbal complements. (Although precisely this type of of -sentence could be used to argue in favour of accepting finite VCs!) This is different to (166) ik zal (hem) eens vragen of hij komt in which the of sentence acts as the OBJ1: of hij komt can be replaced by a pronominal direct object (dat) and if the person who is being asked something, is expressed, this is done in the form of an indirect object IO (ik zal hun eens vragen of hij komt, ik zal het aan hem vragen). Kijken of... amd zoeken of... are a different story. Both verbs can appear with an OBJ1: (167) we hebben gisteravond een film gekeken (168) ik zoek m n pen and both verbs can appear with an of complement: (169) kijk zoek ns even of m n pen daar ergens ligt but not at the same time. In these examples the of complement is simply labelled as OBJ1. Ik denk van wel/niet Van wel/niet is a SVAN acting as an OBJ1. Coordinate conditional clause When two conditions are joined together, it is possible that one is left with only one als sentence with a subordinate clause order; the second part of the coordinate has the main sentence order: (170) Als je gaat fietsen en je komt langs de bakker, wil je dan brood kopen? This type of sentence is analysed as follows: the whole sentence is a CP with als as a CMP and a CONJ as the body of a SSUB and an SMAIN. Als het ware MWU. Uit + infinitive In sentences with an absentive (as defined by de Groot (1995)) with uit (ANS: ): the uitinfinitive is labelled as AHI. (171) de koningin van Lombardije die ging uit rijden (172) pa is uit vissen

30 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 30 Op klappen staan, op sterven liggen ANS (1056 7) suggests that this is a type of verbal complement, and we accept that suggestion; op klappen etc. is labelled as a TI with op as a complementizer. Voor + te-infinitive In many variations of spoken Dutch voor can be used as a conjunction: humor voor te lachen, iets voor te drinken, ben je geselecteerd voor te dansen (sfn000771,141) etc. Syntactically there is no difference with an OTI, which is why we label it an OTI. Dat is goed te doen The predicate (TI) in sentences like dat is (goed, nauwelijks,... ) te doen (doenbaar/doenlijk) and dat is (goed, nauwelijks,... ) te zien (zichtbaar) is analysed as a PREDC with the following internal construction goed: MOD, te: CMP, rest: BODY. Laat staan (dat) is labelled MWU. Laat staan usually acts as the CRD in a coordination (see 4), laat staan dat as a conjunction (CMP). 2.2 The adjectival domain In Figure 4 the d-labels for the adjective clusters are given. The c-label for the mother node is AP. d-label DESCRIPTION head HD Head of AP compl OBJ1 casual object POBJ1 provisional causal object PC object of a preposition VC verbal complement OBCOMP comparative complement mod MOD clause Figure 4: d-labels: adjective domain

31 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie Complementation patterns In the adjective cluster we find the d-labels PC, VC for complements we have also seen in the verbal domain. (173) bereid tot samenwerking (PC) (174) op wraak belust (PC) (175) bereid (om) te helpen (VC, compare bereid tot) (176) bang dat hij zou opvallen (VC, compare bang voor) The OBJ1 label is for the bare nominal complement which is traditionally referred to as the causal object. ANS does not take a clear stand here: on page 901 the causal object is treated as a complement within the adjectival constituent, whereas it is treated as a higher complement within the verbal domain on page We have selected the first option, as omission of the causal object affects the interpretation of the adjectival head. Compare: hij is het leven zat and hij is zat. Please note that, as in the verbal domain, provisional realization (POBJ1) is possible in combination with a (short) subordinate clause complement. (177) het gezeur beu (OBJ1) (178) het zat (OBJ1) (179) ik ben het zat om telkens op jullie te moeten wachten (POBJ1+OBJ1) The OBCOMP label is the complement for comparatives. A OBCOMP complement can also occur in combination with other complements, as in (182). (180) groter dan ik dacht (181) knapper als mij (182) doller op bananen dan jij

32 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 32 Comparatives and superlatives can also be combined with an (optional) partitive, but whenever this is possible, it can also occur with other forms of the same adjective, and is therefore not characteristic of comparative morphology or semantics, but of the adjective. This partitive is therefore labelled a modifier. (183) dat is het dikkere boek (van de twee) (184) dat is het dikste boek (van de twee) (185) dat is het dikke boek (van de twee) The annotation of superlative constructions is done along exactly the same lines as above. We therefore limit ourselves to the comment that the element het in the examples below is interpreted as having a purely grammatical role. We label het in combination with the superlative as an MWU, the same as the complementizer combination aan het. (186) [het meest] gefrustreerd van allemaal (187) [het dolst] op bananen van die twee Finally, we treat the comparative construction even zo... als..., although the head of this construction (even zo) is an adverb, of course. The als clause acts as an OBCOMP for the adverb even zo here, and the construction as a whole is a modifier of the adjective. (188) even groot als ik (189) zo gek als een deur Modification The d-label for clauses within the adjectival constituent is MOD. The clauses are realized in different syntactic ways. Consider the examples below.

33 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 33 (190) heel erg druk (AP als MOD) (191) vers van de pers (PP als MOD) (192) een stuk beter (NP als MOD) (193) leuk om te horen (OTI als MOD) (194) het meest gefrustreerd (MWU als MOD) NOTES s Morgens vroeg s Morgens vroeg is an AP with vroeg as the head, and s morgens as a modifier. The reasoning behind this is somewhat circumspect. Let us compare this construction with its semantic equivalent (195) Vroeg in de morgen for which the same question can be asked. If you decide this is a PP with a modifier, you are actually saying it is similar to pal voor het huis or recht tegenover de bank. From Van Riemsdijk s thesis we know that R pronomina can occur there: (196) pal ervoor (197) er pal voor (198) waar woont hij recht tegenover? However, with vroeg in de morgen this is impossible: (199) *vroeg erin (200) *er vroeg in (such constructions are possible, but not with a temporal interpretation). Therefore we would argue that vroeg in de morgen has a different structure. In that case the only reasonable alternative is vroeg as the head an in de morgen as a PP modifier, with the whole being a PP. Along the same lines vroeg in s morgens vroeg is also the head, with the whole construction being AP. Te + adjective Te modifies the adjective, possibly with a complement (OBCOMP) (te dom om te helpen onweren), possibly modified ( een jaar te jong om naar de universiteit te mogen).

34 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 34 Heel oud versus twee jaar oud (201) ze is (al *pas) heel oud (MOD) (202) ze is (al pas) twee jaar oud (ME) (203) het is (*maar) heel lang (MOD) (204) het is (maar) twee centimeter lang (ME) In (201) and (203) heel plays the role of MOD of the adjective, but in (202) and (204) something else is going on. In these types of constructions oud, lang, breed, hoog, diep,... do not mean older, longer, bigger, deeper,... than average, but are neutral adjectives, i.e. they mean at an age, length, width, height, depth,... of.... In other words hij is x jaar oud does not mean he is old, namely x years old, in which case x jaar would have been a MOD, but he is x years old, so that x jaar cannot be omitted and is therefore a reason, i.c. an ME. 2.3 The prepositional domain In Figure 5 the d-labels for prepositional clusters are given. The c-label for the mother node is PP. head d-label DESCRIPTION HD head of the PP HDF final element of circumposition compl OBJ1 POBJ1 PREDC LD object of preposition provisional object of preposition predicative complement locative/directional complement mod MOD modifiers within PP Prepositional heads Figure 5: d-labels: prepositional domains The preposition is the head of the PP. We distinguish two head labels: HD and HDF. The HD label is used for clusters in which there is only one candidate for the head. The HDF label is used as the closing element of circumposition constructions (see ANS, pp 526 e.seq. for a listing). The HDF label therefore only occurs in combination with HD. As a result of the HD+HDF combination circumposition constructions will get an unnested annotation. This results in a discontinuous treatment of circumpositions which is the same as that of continuous compound prepositions (onderuit, bovenin,... ). (205) van het dak af (compare: vanaf... ) (206) tot nu toe (207) van hier uit (compare: vanuit... ) NOTE. The elements om, te, aan+het with POS-tag preposition will get a d-label as complementizers, as shown in

35 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie (Provisional) object of a preposition Similarly to the verbal domain, we distinguish OBJ1, for the real object of a preposition, and POBJ1 for er as a provisional object. The POBJ1 label can therefore only occur, if OBJ1, too, has been allocated to that domain. In that case the daughter node of the OBJ1 branch is a (finite or non-finite) verbal complement. Compare: (208) je moet er niet aan denken (OBJ1) (209) denk *( er ) aan dat je haar nog moet bellen (POBJ1+OBJ1) (210) denk *( er ) aan haar vanavond nog te bellen (POBJ1+OBJ1) However, Dutch orthography dictates that pronominal adverbs must often be written as one word (eraan instead of er aan). It is not for syntactic annotation to affect orthographic transcripts of the CGN corpus, which is why the following ad hoc solution has been chosen: In spoken language, in particular, the provisional object of the preposition is not always expressed:

36 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 36 (211) hij zorgt dat het goed komt (212) zijn vader beschuldigt hem dat hij zijn moeder vermoord heeft In those instances, the fixed preposition is omitted. In normal cases ( 211) the CP is given the function label OBJ1. If the sentence contains another primary complement (212) it becomes OBJ1 and the CP is labelled VC. The role of OBJ1 is realized in different syntactic ways: NP, PP, finite or non-finite verbal complements Absolute met-constructions The absolute met construction is a PP constituent which acts as an adverbial clause (MOD) or predicative adjunct (PREDM). Apart from the prepositional object, this construction has a second complement which acts as an LD or PREDC. (213) met Haider in de regering (LD) (214) met de helft van de ploeg dronken (PREDC) (215) zonder wapens in huis (LD)

37 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie Modifying elements As in the verbal domain, we use a single d-label (MOD) for clauses of quantity, location, time,... within the prepositional constituent. (216) een uur voor de wedstrijd (217) pal achter het voorzetsel (218) bij hem thuis (219) zes graden onder nul Prepositional phrases We concur with ANS (510 11) in interpreting prepositional phrases as lexically fixed clusters (introduced by a preposition) which as a whole act as a preposition. Examples are op grond van in (220) and aan de hand van in (221), as they can be equated with the prepositions wegens and met 5 respectively: (220) op grond van haar grote verdiensten werd zij in de adelstand verheven (221) aan de hand van deze plattegrond zul je je wel kunnen oriënteren Clusters like these often also have a literal meaning, such as (222) and (223); in which case they are not prepositional phrases: (222) we bouwen hier op grond van de gemeente Wymbritseradeel (223) het kindje liep aan de hand van zijn moeder 5 ANS adds: (With a few exceptions) prepositional phrases are non-variable (e.g. by adding clauses). [... ] Nonetheless, it is not possible to set clear boundaries for the category prepositional phrases in this way for all instances. A cluster which is normally regarded as a prepositional phrase cannot always be replaced by a preposition (e.g. not in antwoord op, bij monde van or met medeweten van). Moreover, prepositional phrases can sometimes be expanded. For example, in addition to (het Concertgebouw) onder leiding van... can also be expressed as: (het Concertgebouw) onder de eminente leiding van... Prepositional phrases are like prepositions in that they are almost always placed before the constituent or subordinate clause they are related to. Only in exceptional cases does postpositioning occur, as in ten spijt in: Het mooie weer ten spijt zijn we de hele dag binnen gebleven.

38 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 38 In this respect the CGN annotation follows traditional grammar, in the sense that the prepositional phrase is not analysed further, but is interpreted as an MWU which acts as the head of the prepositional constituent. ANS ( ) gives a long, but not exhaustive list of prepositional phrases. NOTES Prepositional phrases Pronominal adverbs can also occur in prepositional phrases: this results in constructions such as aan de hand daarvan, which are analysed as follows:

39 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 39 i.e. as a PP with the MWU aan de hand as the HD and OBJ1 daarvan. Absolute met constructions In we have assumed that only absolute met-constructions with an LD (met Cruyff in het doel) or a PREDC (met Kitty Courbois als Hedda Gabler) can occur, but more options appear to be available, such as a time adjunct: met af en toe een interruptie van Rouvoet. Vroeg in de morgen If you claim that: vroeg in de morgen is a PP with a modifier, you are actually saying that this is comparable to pal voor het huis or recht tegenover de rechtbank. We know from Van Riemsdijk s thesis that R pronomina can occur there: (224) pal ervoor (225) er pal voor (226) waar woont hij recht tegenover? However, with vroeg in de morgen this is not possible: (227) *vroeg erin (228) *er vroeg in (Such constructions do actually occur, but not in a temporal sense). One could argue that, vroeg in de morgen has a different structure. The only reasonable alternative could be vroeg as the head and in de morgen as a PP modifier, the whole of it being a PP. (Also see the discussion on s morgens vroeg on p. 33). 2.4 The nominal domain The overall construction of the nominal constituent (c-label of the mother node: NP) can be made clear with the help of the following diagram (see ANS, chapter 14): NOMINAL CONSTITUENT Determiner pre modifier Head Complements/postmodifier Figure 6 shows the d-labels of the nominal domain. There are different views on what constitutes the head of a nominal constituent, depending on the interpretation of the term head. The suggested CGN annotation does not favour a particular theory.

40 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 40 d-label HD DET PC VC MOD DESCRIPTION nominal head determiner prepositional clause verbal complement pre- or postmodifier Figure 6: d-labels: nominal domains The nominal head We use the HD label for the nominal head of the NP. (229) een lekkere wijn (230) koel bier (231) iets moois (232) die rode The determiner ANS distinguishes various types of determiner elements, with a number of word order restrictions, dictated by the following system: DETERMINERENDE ELEMENTEN POSITIE 1 POSITIE 2 POSITIE 3 POSITIE 4 kwantiteits- determinerende adjectivische kwantiteitsaanduidende elementen elementen aanduidende elementen elementen According to this view the different determiner elements have an increasing scope from right to left: [de [laatste [twee [opties]]]]. According to ANS in the case of de twee laatste opties, laatste does not form part of the determiner, but acts as a modifier to opties. Whatever the merits of this diagram of determiners, it is incompatible with the CGN view that the NP directly reflects the category of the nominal head. We therefore maintain that both in the case of de twee laatste opties and in the case of de laatste twee opties, de is the determiner, whilst laatste and twee both act as a modifier to opties. Our view is based on data such as the following:

41 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 41 (233) veel vele journalisten belaagden het jonge paar (234) de vele *veel journalisten belaagden het jonge paar where the question is whether vele in (234) can be seen as a determiner element, considering the fact that here, contrary to (233), shows a declension. In addition de vele journalisten is the equivalent of de journalisten, die vele met velen waren, but veel vele journalisten is not the equivalent of journalisten(,) die vele met velen waren. Complex determiners Determiners can, of course, also be modified: (235) precies drie boeken (236) juist díe kolibrie (237) al mijn vrienden For this purpose we introduce a new label, DETP (determiner phrase)

42 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 42 We allocate a similar structure to the complex determiners van die, van dat, van zulke etc., in which the paradigmless van is assigned a modifier role: (238) hebt u nog van die bananen voor me? (239) je kunt daar van dat heerlijke gebak kopen (240) ze kan daar van zulke diepe dingen over zeggen The apparently comparable phrase van alles in sentences like (241) in de Winkel van Sinkel is van alles te koop is not further analysed: being a set expression, it is labelled an MWU. Word combinations such as een heleboel (flessen bier ) and een stuk of wat (pandjes aan de Oudegracht) also act as complex determiners, and the same goes for the discontinuous form een N of Telwoord, as in een boek of zes. What type of structure should be allocated to een boek of zes, for example? Analysis as a coordination (of unequal constituents) (242) [een boek] [of] [zes] is contradicted by semantics (after all, the expression means ongeveer zes boeken, rather than een of zes boeken ) and by the intonation. We prefer to see this construction as an NP with boek as the HD and a complex determiner phrase DETP een... of zes, in which zes functions as a postpositional HD, and een... of is an MWU which plays the MOD-role. Wat voor (een) is an interrogatory NP-determiner: (243) wat voor boeken heb je gelezen? (244) wat voor een auto wil je? In Paardekooper s terminology both wat and voor are paradigmless. About the construction he says Wat voor n and even wat voor are [... ] not entirely single words, but they come close. Therefore this group of words is labelled an MWU. Similar to other interrogatories wat (voor) is not always positioned the way we would expect, but we nevertheless label it a determiner of the nominal head and do not worry about discontinuous dependencies. Wat in the wat voor (een) construction can also be taken out of this construction and placed initially in the sentence, away from the NP to which it belongs (Honcoop 1998):

43 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 43 (245) wat heb je voor boeken gelezen? (246) wat zeg je dat je voor een auto wilt? occur without a nominal head (such as welke etc.): (247) A: ik wil ook graag soep. B: wat voor? (248) C: ik ga een nieuwe auto kopen. D: wat voor één? The same construction is also found with some indefinite pronouns, specifically iemand and iets (wat voor iemand is dat eigenlijk?) and with nominalized adjectives (wat voor moois heb je nu weer gekocht?). In the latter wat voor acts as the head of the NP wat voor moois (cf. iets moois in 2.4.1). In spoken language we also find the equivalent hoe een. However, here the interrogative word does not appear to be placed forward in standard language and the interrogative hoe een seems to act as a modifier of the (obligatory) adjective rather than an NP-determiner: (249) kijk eens pappa hoe een grote vissen ik gevangen heb (250) *kijk eens pappa hoe ik een grote vissen gevangen heb (251) kijk eens pappa wat een vissen ik gevangen heb (252) *kijk eens pappa hoe een vissen ik gevangen heb We nevertheless consider hoe een an NP-determiner, as it assumes the role of an ordinary determiner in positions where a determiner is compulsory: (253) een grote vis (254) hoe een grote vis (255) *grote vis Also compare the combination wat een which is found in exclamations, also with multiple nouns, which would normally be incompatible with the singular article een: (256) wat een feest was dat zeg! (257) wat een boeken heeft die man gelezen! Here, too, extraction from the WH element is possible: (258) wat heeft die man een boeken gelezen! In such instances, too, the complex determiner is labelled MWU.

44 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 44 The partitive van construction In contrast with ANS (p 835) we do not consider the nominal head of the NP in a partitive van phrase as the head of the entire partitive construction. In a sentence like (259) één van de aanwezigen nam het woord there is after all concord of number between nam an één, rather than nam and aanwezigen.

45 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie Complements within the nominal constituent The d-labels PC, VC and their syntactic realizations have already been discussed in the treatment of the verbal domain. As a rule, within the nominal domain it is question of complementation of the verbal nominal heads (compare section 2.4.6). (260) het eeuwige gewacht bij de auto op m n vader (PC) (261) z n heilige geloof in de medemens (PC) (262) twijfels aan de oprechtheid (PC)

46 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 46 (263) onze hoop (om) de trein nog te kunnen halen (VC) (264) de verwachting dat ze er nog wel zou zijn (VC) (265) de vraag of alle moeite voor niets was geweest (VC) However, non-verbal nouns can be given a complement with a set preposition. They, too, are labelled PC s: (266) de kans op winst (267) het gebrek aan mensen bij de politie (268) gelegenheid tot bloot zwemmen If the complement has a verbal form (which is not always possible), it is labelled a VC: (269) de kans (om) te winnen (270) gelegenheid (om) bloot te zwemmen Depending on the noun, in Flanders we sometimes find van instead of om (Van Craenenbroeck 2000) Modifying elements Several syntactic categories can act as modifiers. A few examples are shown below. (271) een bak inheemse planten (NP)

47 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 47 (272) heerlijk helder Heineken (adjectives) (273) de talloze boeken die hij heeft gelezen (adjective, REL) In line with ANS (844), we view the sentence constituents in italics in the following examples as modifiers of the nominal domain: (274) flink wat (275) dezelfde ongeveer (276) in het geheel niets (277) om het even wie (278) al wie (dat hoorde wou bij hem zijn) The modifier clause between the article and the nominal head can also contain verbal material, which is then also treated as verbal material: (279) De met veel smaak broodjes etende ambtenaren bespraken de voetbal

48 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 48 In theory, endless recursion is possible, and in practice civil servants manage to get a long way: (280) Het interventiebureau houdt bij de verkoop van het magere-melkpoeder rekening met de datum waarop het product is ingeslagen en slaat van de totale beschikbare hoeveelheid of, in voorkomend geval, van de in de door de marktdeelnemer aangewezen opslagplaats of opslagplaatsen beschikbare hoeveelheid telkens eerst de oudste producten uit. ANS (p.844) also points out that similar adjacent articles can sometimes be left out: compare the following contrast: (281) het moeilijkst te onderhouden gebouw (282) de het moeilijkst te beklimmen berg In Chomskyan terms one could speak of an PF effect, which does not alter the fact that these sentences must be given a syntactic tree diagram. Postmodifiers (MOD) combined with nominal constituents can take all kinds of forms; in theory their number is unlimited (cf. 291): (283) het feest deze middag (NP) (284) de plek des onheils (NP)

49 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 49 (285) wie uwer (NP) (286) die herrie hier ook altijd (ADVPs) (287) koekjes voor bij de koffie (PP) (288) kennis van de natuur (PP) (289) jongens zonder verantwoordelijkheidsbesef (PP) (290) een dag als vandaag (PP) (291) de tocht te voet van Karel naar Rome (PPs) (292) een kind om te zoenen (OTI) (293) iets te eten (kan ik je niet aanbieden, maar we hebben drank genoeg in huis voor een heel peloton) (TI) (294) het dorpje dat wij allemaal zo goed kennen (relative clause) (295) God almachtig (Adj) (296) zaterdag aanstaande (Adj) (297) iets heel raars (AP) (298) wij drieën (a numeral according to ANS) (299) wij drietjes (numeral) (300) wij allemaal (adverb) (301) wij als redacteuren van de ANS (PP) Prepositional clauses in particular do not have to be placed immediately adjacent to the nominal head. However, this is does not only apply here: (302) Jan heeft een boek gekocht over reptielen (303) ik vind dat je een kind hebt om door een ringetje te halen In (300) and (301) allemaal and als redacteuren van de ANS act as NP modifiers. However, this is only the case where there is adjacency and when the NP is in the initial position in the main clause. In all other cases, these constituents act as the PREDM at sentence level. There are two reasons why instances of adjacency + NP in initial position in the main clause are treated differently. Firstly, the constituent which normally acts as the PREDM at sentence level must in this case be part of the NP, because, in the main clause, only one constituent can be placed before the finite verb. Secondly, the fact that such an NP does not for example allow for a reduced pronoun as a head (wij versus *we also cf. arme jij versus *arme je and zij die dat willen versus *ze die dat willen); a restriction which only applies to (304), but not to ( ). (304) wij *we allemaal gaan naar oma morgen (MOD with wij ) (305) we gaan allemaal naar oma morgen (PREDM) (306) omdat we allemaal naar oma gaan morgen (PREDM)

50 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 50 (307) omdat we morgen naar oma gaan met z n allen (PREDM) (308) omdat ze dat als redacteuren van de ANS belangrijk vinden (PREDM) In a number of constructions of the type shown in (271) a noun has acted as quantity indicator so often that the reduced combination acts as a (complex) determiner: (309) een hoop werk Phrases such as (309) are basically ambiguous: if the nominal head is something that can be piled up, the hoop can also be meant literally ( berg, bult ). Generally speaking, its context will help to disambiguate. NB: in a number of Northern Dutch dialects (cf. the work of Eric Hoekstra) veel is negative polar and the only options in positive sentences are constructions such as een hoop, een berg; this will be reflected in the Dutch of the speakers of such dialects Appositions etc. ANS (846) defines the apposition as all nominal constituents containing additional information which are placed after other nominal constituents, and suggests (847) that it is useful to view appositions as reduced sentences. Therefore, a sentence like (310) De schipper, een voorzichtig man, hield zijn schip aan de kade1 must, according to ANS, be interpreted as, de schipper, die een voorzichtig man was/is, hield zijn schip aan de kade. It must be added that this nominal constituent can be of verbal origin (311) and can incorporate all kinds of sentence parts (311, 312): (311) de dagelijkse activiteit van een auteur, stukjes schrijven, wordt niet altijd gewaardeerd (312) die man daar, tot voor kort gymnasiumleraar hier ter stede, is onlangs tot hoogleraar benoemd The apposition is not always placed immediately after the noun cluster to which it relates: (313) we hebben Pollini ontmoet, de beste pianist ter wereld

51 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 51 In his dissertation, Dick Klein argued that it is not a good idea to view appositions as reduced sentences. In his thesis, Arie Sturm proposes analysing classic appositions of the type shown in (313) as asyndetic coordinations, namely compulsory asyndetic (We hebben Pollini ontmoet en de beste pianist ter wereld is not ungrammatical, but has a different meaning). From a semantic view, this is not unreasonable in this case, as there are two predicates for one referent. From a syntactic view, however, this analysis is puzzling, because coordinations are otherwise never compulsorily asyndetic. For such classic appositions we use the label APPOS. Dutch knows a few other constructions in which the noun has a sort of postmodifier, a name or a numeral. Consider, for instance, the following types (according to Paardekooper): (314) hoofdstuk vier (315) Karel één (316) de maand maart (317) de stad Groningen (318) de afstand Mechelen-Brussel (319) oom Wim (320) het voorstel- Kollewijn 6 Traditionally (Den Hertog), a number of these constructions are referred to as appositions, but, as Paardekooper points out, ABN does not offer the possibility of classifying these types as a single formal category. Paardekooper demonstrates that the constructions in ( ) are all syntactically different. Sturm s analysis of the apposition as a asyndetic coordination cannot be transferred to the constructions in ( ): in het voorstel- Kollewijn and voorstel Kollewijn one and the same reference is predicted. ANS analysis as reduced (adjectival) subordinate clauses, is also counter-intuitive we lezen hoofdstuk vier we lezen het hoofdstuk dat vier is? de afstand Mechelen-Brussel kan op een dag te voet worden afgelegd de afstand die Mechelen-Brussel is kan op een dag te voet worden afgelegd?, unless we accept ad hoc analyses, such as we lezen het hoofdstuk dat het vierde van het boek is and de afstand die Mechelen en Brussel scheidt kan op een dag te voet worden afgelegd. 6 In theory voorstel-kollewijn gets one POS-tag in CGN, so that that construction does not require syntactic analysis

52 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 52 As no linguist has yet come up with a solution for all cases, let alone that there is even a start of a consensus, we are taking an agnostic approach. Again, for all these types of cases we use the (recursive) label APPOS. NB: We therefore distinguish two types of appositions: on the one hand there s the classical (see ), with a clear comma intonation, with an NP as the head (so non-lexical!) and on the other hand there s the category of postmodifier clauses with a lexical head, as discussed above ( ) Deverbal nominalizations We distinguish a number of cases in the realm of the deverbal nominalization: 1. morphological derivation derived from -ing (vernedering, verdediging) derived from -atie (diskwalificatie, hospitalisatie ) derived from ge- (getreuzel, gedachte) conversion of the verbal stem (hoop, vlucht) 2. the construction het + infinitive, with or without phrasal conversion (see (a) and (b) below) 3. phrasal conversion of an infinitive cluster Examples: (321) de verdediging van de stad (type 1) (322) het kleine kinderen snoep geven (wordt afgeraden) (type 2a) (323) het geven van snoep aan kleine kinderen (type 2b)

53 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 53 (324) cognac aanbieden aan tante Fien (vindt hij zonde) (type 3) In cases where the complementation pattern of the infinitive complies with the verbal construction principles (types 2a and 3 in the examples) we label the mother node of this verbal domain INF (please note that in that case the NP has a nonlexical head); in cases where nominal realization of the complement pattern occurs, we are dealing with a nominal cluster with (prepositional) postmodifiers. As for the NP complements to the verb (SU, OBJ1, OBJ2) we would like to point out that they can be realized within the nominal domain. In which case, they can always be omitted, and labelled as MOD. We could consider introducing a few more specific labels at a later stage, in addition to the default label MOD, which makes the underlying verbal complement role clear. The case indicating heads (van, aan, door) can play a decisive role in this. (325) het getreuzel van Piet (326) het zingen van het volkslied (327) de gift door Han van een tientje aan Jantje Beton Vocatives, etc. Vocatives or forms of address can take on different forms:

54 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 54 (328) ha, Kees (329) bakker, mag ik een brood? (330) die rommel, Jan, die moet je toch eens opruimen (331) goedemorgen Nijmegen (332) dat is het juist, jongen (333) geef maar hier, liefste (334) maar honneponnetje, we hoeven toch niks? (335) kijk uit, hufter In the above examples, they are never part of the sentence: we therefore label them as TAGs. With this type of use, names can be preceded by something similar to a demonstrative pronoun: 7 (336) ha, die Kees (337) ha die bakker, mag ik een brood? In standard language, only die is possible, dat and deze are not possible. Nevertheless, analysis of die Kees as an NP with die as DET and Kees as HD is the most likely option. Once again the whole clause is a TAG. Also some full NPs (with modifiers and determiners) can be used as a form of address; the determiner, if present, will usually be mijn: (338) kom maar hier, m n jongen (339) ik zal altijd bij je blijven, mijn allerliefste lieveling Such vocatives are also labelled TAGs. NOTES Jan zijn fiets Jan zijn is a complex determiner with zijn as the HD and Jan as the MOD. The same applies to die mensen hun geld etc. 7 Paardekooper points out that (3.3.1): A certain connection is required; die Jan never occurs on its own. I feel that it is more independent than the vocative and also distinguishes itself from it, as replacing it with a personal pronoun is out of the question here: ha, jij (uitg.). At the same time there is nothing wrong with hè, jij (ook altijd met je flauwe grapjes ) and hé, jij(met je roze broekje).

55 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 55 Quantitive er We have decided not to introduce a new label, but to analyse er + numeral as a straight forward NP: Hybrid deverbal nominalizations Sometimes one has no option but to form a hybrid structure, for example in cases such as het lang in voorraad houden van producten (sfn000920,72): lang in voorraad which demand a verbal structure, van producten demands a nominal one:

56 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 56 Problemen met, problemen ermee (340) we hebben problemen met de koeling (341) daar heb ik problemen mee The prepositional clause is a PC. Van alles en nog wat In we already saw that van alles in sentences like in de Winkel van Sinkel is van.alles te koop are not analysed further: being a fixed expression, this word cluster is labelled an MWU. The same applies to the longer variety van alles en nog wat. Weet ik veel Phrases such as weet ik (veel) and ik weet niet in sentences like (342) weet ik veel (343) weet ik (veel) wat ze allemaal doet (344) hij heeft ik weet niet hoeveel boeken over katten are labelled MWU. They act as the MOD to the word they are related to (in the examples wat and hoeveel respectively). Vragend voornaamwoord + dan ook A construction like wie/wat/hoe/waar/welke... dan ook is treated as follows: dan ook is an ADVP: PRT PRT, which acts as the MOD to the interrogative pronoun. Projection of pronouns Some pronouns are rather multi-categorial : they can act as the head of different types of constituents. One example is veel: (345) heel veel mensen (DETP) (346) hij eet nogal veel (NP) (347) je zeurt te veel (AP)

57 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 57 Iets van, rond de, meer dan + numeral Examples: (348) iets van rond de vijfhonderd kinderen doen d raan mee (349) meer dan één deelnemer(*s) had(*den) alle vragen goed (349) clearly shows that meer dan acts as a modifier, since there is agreement between één and the noun, rather than between meer and the noun, whilst the verb is also in the singular form. So both meer dan and iets van, as well as rond de modify the numeral. Iets van and rond de are categorized as MWU, meer dan is labelled ADVP: HD + OBCOMP. 2.5 Remaining cases There are constructions which are syntactically problematic, as it is impossible to determine the dependency relationships. Examples are numbers, dates, indications of time and complex proper names. (350) tweehonderd (en) achtenzeventig (351) 20 september 1958 (352) half drie (353) Walter P. de Rochebrune In these instances we have opted for a pragmatic, agnostic approach for the time being: we label the node MWU: NOTES Een uur of elf As an indication of time: the MWU een... of modifies the MWU elf uur; as duration of time: NP with uur as the HD and a complex determiner phrase DETP een... of elf, in which elf acts as the postpositioned HD and een... of is an MWU which plays the MOD-role (also see 2.4.2).

58 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 58 3 Non-local dependencies In this section we deal with d- and c-labels in non-local dependencies, which occur in: relative clauses (with explicit or implied antecedent, cf. ANS, 329 ev); constituent questions, at main sentence or subordinate clause level As far as the basics of CGN annotation are concerned, we see some conflict in cases such as these: the elements introducing these configurations (constituents with an interrogative or relative pronoun) determine the c-label of the mother node (relative clause vs interrogative sentence,... ); which makes them the head; at the same time we wish to indicate which role these introductory elements play in the dependency domain in the remainder of the sentence; the relevant dependency domain can be embedded at an arbitrarily deep level in the rest of the sentence. We can solve the conflict by making use of the fact that the definition of the CGN annotation structures allows for an element to be in a dependency relationship with different mother nodes (and therefore adopt several dependency roles). 8 The situation is schematically presented in Figure 7. C 2 is the introducer of the non-local dependency structure. C 2 s primary role is d 0 : the role of the head, which determines mother node C 0. The remaining part C 1 acts as the dependent d 1 in relation to d 0. Embedded in C 1 is the domain C n ; C 2 acts as a secondary dependency role d 2 in C n. In Figure 8 we give an overview of the labels used. Figure 7: Non-local dependencies: schematic overview. Note: relative clauses and constituent questions are treated in parallel as much as possible. In line with the philosophy of the CGN annotation they have a head. This results in the paradoxical notion head of a headless relative clause. However, it is equally possible to read this as : head of a relative clause with implied antecedent. 8 In the terminology of the ANNOTATE software, this is a case of secondary edges.

59 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie 59 c-label REL WHREL WHQ WHSUB d-label WHD RHD BODY DESCRIPTION relative clause headless relative clause constituent question: main clause constituent question: subordinate clause DESCRIPTION head of WHQ,WHSUB head of ( headless ) relative clause body Figure 8: Labels for non-local dependencies 3.1 Relative clauses Primary dependency relationships are realized in the relative clause as follows: The introductory element is either a relative pronoun at POS level, or a constituent XP containing a relative pronoun. The part of the body following it is the SSUB. The entire relative clause REL acts as a MOD in the nominal domain. We do not distinguish between restrictive or appositive relative clauses. Below are some examples of secondary dependency relationships which the RHD element has within the SSUB. (354) (de jongen) die hem wil plagen (SU of plagen ) (355) (de jongen) die hij wil plagen (OBJ1 of plagen ) (356) (de jongen) op wie hij zeker dacht te kunnen rekenen (PC of rekenen ) (357) (de muziek) waar hij het meest van houdt (OBJ1 of van ) NOTES Niks om bang voor te zijn of niks to the PP. OTI as a MOD to niks; voor and PP as a PC for bang, with a secondary edge (OBJ1)

60 Hoekstra, Moortgat, Renmans, Schouppe, Schuurman & Van der Wouden: CGN Syntactische Annotatie Headless relative clause In contrast to the relative clause, which acts as a modifier, the relative clause with an implied antecedent ( headless relative clause) has the role of a nominal constituent. The examples below illustrate possible secondary dependency relationships within the SSUB. (358) wie het weet, mag het zeggen (SU for weet ) (359) wat je zegt, ben je zelf (OBJ1 for zegt ) (360) waar jij mee bezig bent, dat laat me koud. (OBJ1 for mee ) The RHD elements in a WHREL are embedded at the POS level: a larger XP constituent in which the relative pronoun has been embedded, is as impossible as an introducer for the WHREL. In the following examples the pronoun is therefore not part of the WHREL; WHREL plays the role of OBJ1 for that pronoun. (361) nog een aanvulling bij wat ik je gisteren vertelde (OBJ1 for bij ) (362) geef het aan wie het verdiend heeft (OBJ1 for aan ) What is possible as an XP-introducer, is an NP with DET welk(e). (363) welke boeken jij zoal leest, laat me koud (OBJ1 for leest )