EIGHT HUMAN SKULLS IN A DUNG HEAP AND MORE Ritual practice in the terp region of the northern Netherlands 600 BC - AD 300

Transcriptie

1 The study of ritual practice in the past is an accepted part of archaeological research these days. Yet, its theoretical basis is still not fully mature. This book aims at making a contribution to the study of ritual practice in the past by assembling a theoretical framework, which is tailored to the needs of archaeology, and which helps to identity and interpret the remains of rituals in the past. This framework is applied in a special archaeological region: the coastal area of the northern Netherlands, a former salt marsh area. In the past, people lived here on artificial dwelling mounds, so-called terps. Preservation conditions are excellent in this wetland area. This study makes use of the well-preserved remains of rituals in terps, to examine the role of ritual practice in the societies of the pre-roman and Roman Iron Age in this area. EIGHT HUMAN SKULLS IN A DUNG HEAP AND MORE ANNET NIEUWHOF GAS 29 EIGHT HUMAN SKULLS IN A DUNG HEAP AND MORE Ritual practice in the terp region of the northern Netherlands 600 BC - AD 300 Annet Nieuwhof

2 Eight human skulls in a dung heap and more Ritual practice in the terp region of the northern Netherlands 600 BC - AD 300

3 GRONINGEN ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES VOLUME 29 editorial board Prof. dr. P.A.J. Attema Dr. C. Çakirlar Prof. dr. R.T.J. Cappers Prof. dr. P.D. Jordan Prof. dr. D.C.M. Raemaekers Prof. dr. S. Voutsaki Groningen Institute of Archaeology Poststraat 6 NL-9712 ER Groningen the Netherlands gia@rug.nl Website Publisher s address Barkhuis Kooiweg GL Eelde the Netherlands Tel Fax info@barkhuis.nl

4 Eight human skulls in a dung heap and more Ritual practice in the terp region of the northern Netherlands 600 BC - AD 300 Annet Nieuwhof Barkhuis Publishing and University of Groningen Library Groningen 2015

5 Financial support for this publication was generously provided by: Stichting Nederlands Museum voor Anthropologie en Praehistorie Vereniging voor Terpenonderzoek Layout: author Cover design: author and ColtsfootMedia, Nynke Tiekstra, Rotterdam Production: Roelf Barkhuis, ISBN ISSN Copyright 2015 A. Nieuwhof All rights reserved. No part of this publication or the information contained herein may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, by photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission in written form from the copyright holder.

6 Whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent. Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus 1922, proposition 7 History makes little sense without prehistory, and prehistory makes little sense without biology. Edward O. Wilson The meaning of human existence 2014, p. 9 To Rutger, my husband and great sparring partner

7

8 Contents 1 Introduction A curious find Research questions The research area and period Archaeological framework Chronological framework The study of ritual Method The human nature bias 16 Part 1 The archaeological context 17 2 Terp archaeology and the use of historical sources Introduction History of terp archaeology Pioneers A destructive phase The collection of objects From finds to context The start of modern terp research New approaches Conclusion Historical sources, ethnic identity and historical events Historical sources Germani, Frisii and Chauci and their history Conclusion 28 3 Occupation history, landscape and subsistence Introduction Occupation history Colonization Changes in the 1st century AD Cultural influences from the east The end of habitation Summary Life in the salt marsh landscape Settling in a dynamic landscape Agriculture, food and drink Byres, houses and raw materials Conclusion 39 4 Social and spiritual life of the inhabitants of the terp region Introduction The family Political organization and martial values The Gefolgschaft-system Contacts with the Romans Socio-political organization in the coastal area Ritual, religion and dealing with the dead Dealing with the dead Religion Ritual Conclusion 53 5 Remains of rituals in surrounding areas Introduction The remains of rituals in settlements Rituals associated with houses Rituals in settlements outside houses The remains of rituals outside settlements Depositional practice and the landscape Peat bogs Burial customs Western Netherlands The Pleistocene inland Germany Conclusions 65 Part 2 Theory of ritual 67 6 Ritual, religion and the mind Introduction The mind Origin and function of ritual and religion Religion Ritual, ritualization and ritualized behaviour The bond between ritual and religion Definitions of religion and ritual Religion Ritual Conclusion 79

9 7 Diversity and dynamics of ritual practice Introduction Participants Types of ritual Rites of passage Separation, transition and incorporation Rituals surrounding death Religious rituals Agents, patients and instruments Magic Offering and sacrifice The doctrinal versus the imagistic mode Ritual dynamics Conclusion 92 8 Aspects of the meaning and interpretation of ritual practice Introduction Symbolic meaning Gift exchange in ritual The concept of gift exchange The role of gift exchange in ritual Sharing, charity, ritual meals and feasting Fragmentation, enchainment and accumulation Religious meaning Gods and spirits Ancestors The sacred Aspects of the concept of meaning Interpretative biases The homo economicus bias The contagion bias The human nature bias Conclusion The remains of rituals in the archaeological record Introduction Identifying the remains of rituals Ritual versus non-ritual Criteria The identification of rituals in terps: a toolkit The identification of the non-ritual Features Refuse Material categories The identification of rituals Approaching the meaning of rituals: a cultural biography of rituals and symbols Conclusion 119 Part 3 Remains of rituals in terps Case study I: Remains of rituals in the terp of Englum Introduction The excavation and its results Representativeness Eight human skulls in a dung heap in trench The context Finds Human bone Animal bone Pottery Structure Other finds Dating Reconstructing events Was this a ritual? Methods for interpretation Ritual elements Human remains Dung and cattle Pottery Breaking, burying and burning Circle Interpretation Other remains of rituals in Englum Introduction Discussion and interpretation Material categories Pottery Contexts Associated actions Social categories Summary Case study II: Remains of rituals in the terp of Ezinge Introduction The excavations at Ezinge Representativeness Results Introduction Material categories 163

10 Pottery Ceramic artefacts Terra sigillata Metal objects Wooden objects Stone objects Miscellaneous: textiles, combs, hair, beads Animal remains Human remains Contexts Inside or outside houses Deposits in houses Deposits outside houses Depositional practice in relation to the lay-out of the settlement Differences and similarities in ritual practice between households Interpretation Existing categories The doctrinal and the imagistic modes Non-religious and religious rituals Categories from the Englum case study Interpretative categories Category 1: rituals concerning individual persons Category 2: rituals accompanying the life cycle of houses Category 3: rituals aimed at the household Category 4: rituals associated with technological processes Category 5: rituals concerned with the community Category 6: rituals associated with social contacts outside the settlement Category 7: rituals associated with sociopolitical life Category 8: rituals associated with cosmology and with ordering the world Changes through time Middle pre-roman Iron Age Material categories Contexts Diversity and the doctrinal and imagistic modes Non-religious and religious rituals Interpretative categories Late pre-roman Iron Age Material categories Contexts Diversity and the doctrinal and imagistic modes Non-religious and religious rituals Interpretative categories Early Roman Iron Age Material categories Contexts Diversity and the doctrinal and imagistic modes Non-religious and religious rituals Interpretative categories Middle Roman Iron Age Material categories Contexts Diversity and the doctrinal and imagistic modes Non-religious and religious rituals Interpretative categories Conclusions Human remains The supernatural Meaningful objects and identity Ritual practitioners Tradition and change Comparisons Burials and bones: remains of humans (and of dogs) in the terp region Introduction The collection of human remains in the past Representativeness Dating Archaeological dates Radiocarbon dates Early medieval burials The use of radiocarbon dates Radiocarbon dates and stable isotopes Results and discussion Inhumations Sex, age and health Orientation Body posture Grave goods Location Partial skeletons Human sacrifice Argument 1: Bog bodies Argument 2: Child burials Conclusion 257

11 Cremations Single bones and excarnation The finds Headhunting and skull cult? The excarnation process The role and meaning of dogs Dogs in the archaeological record The symbolical meaning of dogs Location Conclusion: burial customs and the use of human remains in the terp region 280 Part 4 Conclusions Ritual practice in the terp region Introduction The social, political, cultural and natural environment of the terp region during the pre-roman and Roman Iron Age Theory of ritual The identification and interpretation of the remains of rituals in the archaeological record Different types of ritual Rituals in daily life and in social contacts Burials customs and the use of human remains Beliefs and religious concepts Changing ritual practice Epilogue 296 Appendices 299 A Catalogue of remains of rituals from Englum 301 B Ezinge 315 C Catalogue of human remains from the terp region in the provinces of Friesland and Groningen 361 References 415 Samenvatting (Dutch summary) 435 Inleiding 435 De theorie van het ritueel handelen 436 De herkenning en interpretatie van de restanten van rituelen in het bodemarchief 437 Rituelen in het dagelijkse leven en in sociale contacten 437 Grafrituelen en het gebruik van menselijke resten 438 Geloof en religieuze voorstellingen 439 Veranderingen 440 Epiloog 442 Acknowledgments 443 Illustrations 445 About the author Recommendations 297

12 1 Introduction 1.1 A curious find The terp of Englum is one of a series of artificial dwelling mounds on the left bank of the river Reitdiep, in a former salt marsh region in the northwestern part of the most northern Dutch province of the Netherlands: Groningen. A large part of this terp was destroyed during the 1920s, owing to commercial quarrying of the fertile terp soil. Only about half of the original terp remained. In the year 2000, the authorities of the province of Groningen decided to restore the terp of Englum to its original size, using dredging spoil from the nearby river. Groundwork for this project would destroy any remaining archaeological features in the levelled area, so it was decided that an excavation was to be carried out prior to restoration. In the late summer of 2000, a group of around 25 students, volunteers and staff of the Groningen Institute of Archaeology (University of Groningen) assembled at Englum to excavate what was left of the archaeological record after levelling. That turned out to be rather more than was expected. At the foot of the steep side of the remainder of the terp, substantial terp layers were still intact, containing features from all habitation periods. One of the features was a large dung heap. Potsherds in it demonstrated that it was to be dated to the pre-roman Iron Age. The first curious thing in this dung heap were spots of ashes. Then a human skull was found, a pile of animal bones, and then several more human skulls, eight in total. The finds seemed to have been placed in a circle. The find was curious and puzzling and immediately gave rise to more or less serious interpretations. There was talk about the headhunters of Englum, or the skulls were said to be thrown on the dung heap after clearing graves. No one could believe that the skulls had been part of a ritual, since they were found in a dirty dung heap. None of the participating archaeologists had seen anything like it before or knew of any parallels elsewhere. The finds could not be compared to normal burial customs, since these are not hardly known in the terp region. Since the analysis of the excavation s results did not fit the schedule of any of the participating archaeologists, the finds and documentation set were stored for the time being. The skulls were sent to a physical anthropologist, who wrote a small report, and then found another job. In 2004, I accidentally found the skulls in good condition on a shelf in the office of his successor. As a 4th-year student with an interest in the archaeology of the terp region, I had been in charge of the daily management of the excavation in Englum. When I retrieved the skulls, I was planning a PhD-research project that would connect the two studies I had done, theology and archaeology. I decided that the skulls from Englum, which I thought were the remainders of a ritual, would be perfect as a starting point for the study of ritual practice in the past, in particular in the terp region during the first phases of habitation, the pre-roman and Roman Iron Age. 1.2 Research questions Although the practicalities of life in the terp region in the pre-roman and Roman Iron Age are rather well known, the study of the remains of rituals in the terp region is a largely unexplored area. Even common burial customs, though an important area of attention in archaeology, are hardly known. A number of associated research questions naturally emerge: Can we distinguish different types of ritual in the archaeological record of the terp region, and if so, what are these types? What role did ritual practice play in daily life? What role did ritual practice play in social contacts? What was the common way to deal with the dead and what was the role of human remains, such as the skulls found in Englum, in ritual practice? Can we say something about beliefs or religion or cosmological views on the basis of the remains of rituals that can be identified? Can we trace changes in ritual practices through time and relate them to social, cultural, political or environmental changes? These questions can, of course, not be answered without taking the specific context of the finds into consideration. 1.3 The research area and period Ritual practice is not an isolated phenomenon, but functions in the contexts of society, culture and the natural environment. A thorough description of the natural, social, political and cultural contexts of the society that is being studied, in this case the population of the terp region in the northern Netherlands during the pre-roman and Roman Iron Age, therefore is an important building block of a study of ritual. It provides an archaeological and chronological framework against which the finds can be assessed.

13 12 1 Introduction Archaeological framework The terp region of the northern Netherlands (fig. 1.1) is a very uncommon, even extreme, natural environment from the perspective of human occupation; at least it was before dikes were built in the Middle Ages. Despite the fact that the salt marsh area was frequently flooded because it was open to the sea, the area was colonized around the 6th century BC. The colonists adapted to this marine environment by building their houses on artificially raised areas, known as platforms in modern terp archaeology. The popu la tion expanded and increased, while continually adapting to this dynamic natural environment. The early platforms developed into large, artificial dwelling mounds, which are called terpen (plural) in the province of Friesland and wierden (plural) in the province of Groningen. Since terp and the English plural terps are the terms commonly used in international publications, they will be used here for the artificial dwelling mounds of both Friesland and Groningen. After centuries of prosperity, the terp region was virtually abandoned at the end of the Roman Iron Age. During the 4th century AD, only a very small, reduced population lived in the area. In the 5th century AD, Anglo-Saxon newcomers with a new material culture and new customs settled in the area. From then on, the population slowly increased again. The 4th century AD hiatus in the habitation history is a natural boundary of the research period of this study. The research period thus covers 900 years, starting with the colonization of the marsh area, and ending when it was abandoned, ca. AD 300. The archaeology of the terp region is a specialized research area. Excavating the complicated stratigraphy of terps requires other techniques than excavating settlements on the sandy soils inland. Preservation conditions are also very different. Terp archaeology is wetland archaeology, with excellent preservation of organic material, whereas in the dry, sandy, acidic soils of the Pleistocene inland areas, organic materials have usually disappeared. That implies that it is difficult to compare Fig. 1.1 Map of the present geography of the Netherlands with provinces, some Roman names and research areas mentioned in the text.

14 1 Introduction 13 the results of terp excavations with the results of excavations of inland settlements. The research area of this study is therefore limited to the terp region of the present provinces of Friesland and Groningen. The archaeology of the terp region has a history of its own. Large-scale destruction of the archaeological record of this area, which occurred in the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, did not only have negative effects. It also acted as an early incentive of archaeological research and was accompanied by the collection of a vast corpus of data. These data have enabled early and later archaeologists to form a fairly reliable image of the habitation history of the entire region. The chapters of Part 1 of this book are devoted to terp archaeology and to the archaeological and historical context of the finds that are the subject of this study. These chapters are elaborate, because terp archaeology and its results are not very well known outside the small circle of archaeologists who are dealing with it. Without a thorough understanding, not only of life in this area in the past, but also of the history of research, the remains of rituals that were identified here cannot be understood well. The research history is a major factor in the quality and quantity of the available archaeological sources from this area. Besides archaeological sources, historical sources and their use are discussed chapter 2. The results of terp archaeology are covered in chapters 3 and 4. They are dealing with the occupation history, with daily life in the terp region, and with what is known of social and of spiritual life, including ritual practice and burial customs. The last chapter of Part 1, chapter 5, provides an impression of ritual practice and of burial customs in areas surrounding the terp region: northwestern Germany, and the eastern and western regions of the Netherlands Chronological framework Some attention needs to be paid to the chronological framework of this study. In Dutch archaeology, the pre- Roman Iron Age is usually just called Iron Age; this period is divided in an early, middle and late Iron Age. The Iron Age is followed by the Roman Period, which is also divided in three. To avoid confusion, for instance with Scandinavian usage, the Iron Age before the beginning Table 1.1 Chronology of the northern Netherlands with abbreviations used in this study. For comparison, the chronologies of Central Europe and Scandinavia are included.

15 14 1 Introduction of our era will be called pre-roman Iron Age here, while the Roman Period will be referred to as Roman Iron Age. Within this basic framework, the chronology of the northern coastal area slightly differs from other Dutch regions. The chronology of the northern coastal area is not based on La Tène periods or events related to the Roman Empire, but on regional, partly radiocarbon dated pottery series. All pottery from the pre-roman Iron Age and the far majority of pottery from the Roman Iron Age in the terp region is hand built. Regional variety and shapes of pots and rims have been assembled in a comprehensive chrono-typology by Ernst Taayke. 1 This typology shows that repertoire changes occur ca. 500/400 BC, 200 BC, the beginning of our era, AD 100/150 and AD 250/300. In this study, periods follow pottery-phases. At the end of the Roman Iron Age, from ca. AD 400 or perhaps somewhat earlier, a new pottery style, the Anglo- Saxon style, is introduced. This traditionally marks the beginning of the Migration Period, and this name will be used here despite objections that have been forwarded against its use. 2 The transition from the end of the middle Roman Iron Age to the early Middle Ages is a confusing episode in the habitation history of the coastal area; migrations almost certainly occurred in this period. The use of Migration Period reflects some of the uncertainties and does not lead to inaccurate assumptions in this case. The early Middle Ages start with the Merovingian period (ca ). The resulting chronology, including the abbreviations used in tables throughout this book, is shown in table The study of ritual In archaeology, the study of ritual practice in the past has for a long time been considered a tricky subject that is actually asking too much of the available data. That was certainly the case in the archaeology of the northern Netherlands until recently, but it applies to a far wider area. As Richard Bradley put it: Deposits that might have appeared enigmatic were explained in commonsense terms, and until recently any interpretation that relied too heavily on ideas of ritual activity was regarded with suspicion. 3 Insofar as ritual was taken seriously as a meaningful category in the interpretation of finds in archaeology, it was hampered by two major weaknesses. These weaknesses were diagnosed already in the early 1980s. In 1982, Ian Hodder noticed that archaeologists use the term ritual for the two closely connected reasons that what is observed is non-functional and is not understood. 4 The second weakness was articulated by Bryony Orme: the 1 Taayke 1996a. 2 Bazelmans et al Bradley 1990, Hodder 1982, 164. real abuse [of the term ritual] has been to use the word without exploring its meanings, to use it as a final explanation of the data when it should have been no more than an initial classification. 5 Apparently, it is hard to find positive criteria to identify the remains of rituals, and if they are identified, it is thought that the designation ritual is a sufficient interpretation in itself. These objections to the use of ritual as an interpretative category were made over 30 years ago. Still, despite all the attention paid to ritual in the archaeology of the last decades in northwestern Europe 6, the same weaknesses still apply to archaeology today. Although archaeologists do not hesitate to use ritual as an interpretative category anymore, the identification of ritual is still often based on negative criteria ( we don t know what else it can be ), and ritual is still thought to be a sufficient explanation in many cases. Even in 2008, one of the sessions at the 30th conference of the Theoretical Archaeology Group in Southampton, titled Beyond Meta-level Explanations of Ritual, focused on the need not to settle for the interpretation that a certain finds assemblage is ritual, but to go further and to explore why and how a ritual was actually performed on the basis of the material evidence. 7 Whoever wants to study the role of ritual in any society in past or present needs to know what is meant by the term ritual, as it is often misunderstood. For instance, ritual practice is often implicitly or explicitly considered an aspect of religion, ignoring that ritual does not need to have a religious meaning. It is also often seen as a separate activity that is not directly connected to daily affairs, but ritual can often not be separated from other, practical and functional aspects of everyday life. 8 And ritual is often thought to involve special people, special places or a special material culture, rather than ordinary people, places and objects. 9 For the study of ritual practice, a theoretical framework that covers the nature of ritual and its role in human life, as well as the variability of ritual phenomena, is indispensable. Also needed are positive criteria that help to identify the remains of rituals in the archaeological record, rather than the negative criteria that are commonly applied. Religious studies and social anthropology provide those who are interested in ritual practice with many theories and usable insights, but it is impossible to make an informed choice from this corpus of isms without a critical attitude and without a basic comprehension of the nature of ritual. That also is the case for the ideas 5 Orme 1981, In the Netherlands e.g. Derks 1998; Fontijn 2002; Gerritsen 2003; Therkorn 2004; Groot 2008; Kok 2008; Thilderkvist The session was organized by James Morris and Clare Randall. 8 Hill 1995; Brück 1999a; Bradley 2003; 2005; cf. Fogelin Bradley 2003, 13.

16 1 Introduction 15 about ritual that circulate within the archaeological discipline. For the purpose of this study, I felt that, if I wanted to make a contribution to the study of ritual practice in the past, I should not settle for standard theories, but assemble a personal and integrated theory on ritual. Such a fresh theory can serve as a framework that helps to identity and interpret the remains of rituals in the past. In Part 2 of this study, my personal theory on ritual is expounded. It is based on insights from cognitive and evolutionary psychology, as I think that ritual and also religion have their basis in the human mind. That position has coloured this personal theory of ritual, and also the analysis and interpretation of the finds. It is concerned with the role of ritual in human experience, rather than with, for instance, ritual as a reflection of the structures of the social order. Social mechanisms and structures were of course not ignored if the opportunity to learn more about them presented itself. The chapter on the theory of ritual itself (chapter 6) is followed by two chapters on aspects of ritual practice, diversity and meaning, that are important for the interpretation of rituals (chapters 7 and 8). A chapter on the application of this theory in archaeology, and on the identification of the remains of rituals in the archaeological record, in particular in the research area, completes this part (chapter 9). 1.5 Method The initial scheme of this study was to make an inventory of all finds assemblages 10 from the terp region that can be identified as the remains of rituals, and then order and interpret them. It soon became clear that this not only was an impossible task, but also a naïve idea. In the first place, the number of finds assemblages that might be related to ritual practice was far too large for an inventory. In the second place, information on the context and completeness of most of these finds was not available. Most finds date from the period of quarrying, when many terps were completely or partially destroyed. The vast number of goodies in archaeological collections is therefore not usable as a starting point for the study of past ritual practices, although many of these objects may well have been deposited during a ritual of some sort. The skulls found in Englum offered the opportunity to use a case study in order to better understand ritual practices (chapter 10). Not only were these skulls a peculiar case which had not been solved yet. As a participant in the excavation, I also had first-hand information on the contexts and circumstances of these and other finds at my disposal. Case study research in the first place involves a thorough description of a certain case, and in the second place 10 Finds assemblage as used in this study refers to all the finds from one feature. reflection on the case with the purpose of interpreting it. 11 However, that is not the sole purpose. A case study is usually intended as a tool, which is not only aimed at the interpretation of the case itself. The interpretations and causes of a specific case are applicable to other cases too, or lead to new hypotheses or models that can be tested. The Englum case study has a dual purpose; it not only means to explain the curious finds from this specific terp, but it is also meant to generate an understanding of the causes and meanings of ritual practice and its remains in the archaeological record that are applicable in a far wider area. To what extent the conclusions from the Englum case study are really applicable elsewhere, can only be assessed if we can test them in other situations. An opportunity for such a test presented itself in the form of a research project on the finds from another excavation, that of the terp of Ezinge only 2 km from Englum. The terp of Ezinge had been excavated in the 1920s and 1930s by one of the founding fathers of terp archaeology, Albert Egges van Giffen. This research project was funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), and was executed in It resulted in an overview of all finds and features in a terp settlement from the same period as Englum. 12 Many of these finds and features were identified as the result of ritual practices, following the criteria of chapter 9. These results serve as a second case study, to which the conclusions based on the Englum case study can be compared (chapter 11). The case study of Ezinge differs from the case study of Englum in several respects. While the Englum case study is primarily a narrative, the case study of Ezinge is characterized by a quantitative approach, which is possible because of the large number of finds. Ezinge is not only a test case for the conclusions from the Englum case, but provides valuable new insights on changing ritual practices. While Englum allows for close reading of a small number of features and associated finds, Ezinge allows for an analysis of ritual practices in a settlement. As a case study, it may be used to understand ritual practice in settlements in the terp region and elsewhere. The two cases of Englum and Ezinge are complementary in many ways. The danger of a case study is that it is primarily qualitative research and therefore tends to be subjective. A rich description, a detailed narrative, is always part of it 13 ; that not only applies to Englum, but also to Ezinge. In the Ezinge case study, the quantitative approach is meant to bring some order in the data, but it remains subordinate to the narrative. The quality and usability of a case study depend on the thoroughness and observational qualities of the researcher in the narrative part, and on his or her 11 The following is largely based on Stake Nieuwhof 2014a. 13 Flyvbjerg 2006, 237ff.

17 16 1 Introduction intuition in the reflexive and interpretative part. In the Englum and Ezinge case studies, this potential danger is obviated by a description and analysis that is as thorough and transparent as possible, so that the reader has the same information as the researcher and can form his or her own opinion. The use of human remains is a conspicuous part of ritual practice in both case studies. To provide these practices with a framework, burial customs and the use of human remains in the terp region are dealt with in a separate chapter. In this chapter (12), an inventory of all human remains from the terp region forms the basis of an analysis of burial customs and of the use of human remains in ritual practice in this area. The case studies and the analysis of human remains, chapters 10, 11 and 12, together form Part 3 of this study. The associated data sets are contained in three appendices, A, B and C. In Part 4, the conclusions that emerge from these chapters are combined in an account of ritual practice in the terp region in chapter 13. In the short final chapter, some recommendations are made in view of excavation practice (chapter 14). 1.6 The human nature bias One final note needs to be made in this introduction, before we can start with the ins and outs of terp archaeology. During this research, I noticed that interpretations of ritual deposits are often biased by preconceptions of which researchers, including myself, are not always fully aware. They concern the use of dirty materials, the use of materials with or without an economic value, and the use of human remains. In particular the latter category is important in this study, since a major part of it is aimed at a better understanding of human remains. Discussions with other researchers and responses to papers I presented made me aware that my insights were not accepted by some colleagues, because of the gap between our views on human nature. Such implicit views influence the interpretation of human remains considerably. The preconceptions that stem from a researcher s view on human nature therefore became a special area of attention. The interpretative bias caused by these preconceptions is termed the human nature bias in this study; the concept is explained in chapter 8. I gradually learned that, in order to avoid misunderstandings and rejection based on one of the sides of the human nature bias, I would need to make my arguments very clear. The human nature bias thus heavily influenced the direction this study has taken, starting with the description of terp archaeology in the chapters of Part 1.

18 References Abbreviations AK Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt BAR British Archaeological Reports BBS Behavioral and Brain Sciences BKNOB Bulletin Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkun dige Bond BROB Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek GAS Groningen Archaeological Studies JALC Journal of Archaeology in the Low Countries JAS Journal of Archaeological Science JCC Journal of Cognition and Culture JVT Jaarverslagen van de Vereniging voor Terpenonderzoek NAR Nederlandse Archeologische Rapporten NDV Nieuwe Drentse Volksalmanak NTG Nederlandsch Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde PK Probleme der Küstenforschung im südlichen Nordseegebiet PPC Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society RGA Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde SKN Siedlungs- und Küstenforschung im südlichen Nordseegebiet VF De Vrije Fries Historical sources Bible: Books of Genesis; Exodus; 2 Samuel; Matthew. Cassius Dio: Historia Romana : Dio s Roman history, in nine volumes, with an English transl. by Earnest Cary, Cambridge Mass./London. Julius Caesar: Commentarii de bello Gallico. 1996: Seven commentaries on the Gallic War. Translated by Carolyn Hammond, Oxford. Plinius Secundus maior: Naturalis Historia. 1952: Pliny s Natural history Vol. IV, with an English translation in ten volumes by H. Rackham, London/Cambridge Mass. Ptolemaeus: Geographia (translation in Galestin 2008a). Tacitus: Historiae. 1991: Tacitus - Historiën, vertaald, ingeleid en van aantekeningen voorzien door dr. J.W. Meijer, Baarn. Tacitus: Ab excessu divi augusti annales (Annales). 1955: Publius Cornelius Tacitus: Kronieken - Ab excessu divi augusti annales, in de vertaling van Dr. J.W. Meijer, Haarlem. Tacitus: De origine et situ Germanorum (Germania). 1999: Tacitus Germania. Translated with introduction and commentary by J.B. Rives, Oxford. Velleius Paterculus: Historia Romana. 1924: Compendium of Roman history, Velleius Paterculus, Res gestae divi Augusti, with an English transl. by Frederick W. Shipley, London/Cambridge Mass. Other Abbink, A.A., 1999: Make it and break it: the cycles of pottery. A study of the technology, form, function, and use of pottery from the settlements at Uitgeest-Groot-Dorregeest and Schagen-Muggenburg 1, Roman period, North-Holland, the Netherlands (= Archaeological Studies Leiden Univer sity 5), Leiden. Acker Stratingh, G., : Aloude staat en geschiedenis des vaderlands, Groningen. Aldhouse-Green, M., 2001: Dying for the Gods. Human Sacrifice in Iron Age and Roman Europe, Stroud. Anderson, T., 1995: The human skeletons, in K. Parfitt (ed.), Iron Age burials from Mill Hill, Deal, Kent, London, Andrews, P. & J. Cook, 1985: Natural modifications to bones in a temperate setting, Man 20, Arjaans, J., 1991: Terpafgravingen in Friesland, JVT 75, Armit, I., 2006: Inside Kurtz s compound: Headhunting and the human body in prehistoric Europe, in M. Bonogofsky (ed.), Skull collection, modification and decoration (= BAR Int. Ser. 1539), Oxford, Armit, I. & V. Ginn, 2007: Beyond the grave: human remains from domestic contexts in Iron Age Atlantic Scotland, PPS 73, Arnoldussen, S. & R. Visser, 2014: More than a point on the map: the Leeuwarden Late Bronze Age spearhead, in E.M. Theunissen & S. Arnoldussen (eds.), Metaaltijden 1. Bijdragen in de studie van de metaaltijden, Leiden, Arnoldussen, S. & K.M. de Vries, 2014: Of farms and fields: the Bronze Age and Iron Age settlement and Celtic field at Hijken-Hijkerveld, Palaeohistoria 55/56, Åström, P., 1987: Inverted vases in old world religion, Journal of Prehistoric Religion 1, Backe, M., B. Edgren & F. Herschend, 1993: Bones thrown into a water-hole, Pact 38, Baetsen, S., 2006: Fysisch-antropologisch onderzoek, in S. Heeren (ed.), Opgravingen bij Tiel-Passewaaij 1. De nederzetting aan de Passewaaijse Hogeweg (= Zuidnederlandse Archeologische Rapporten 29), Amsterdam,

19 416 References Bakx, J.P.L. (ed.), 2013: Met rituelen omsloten. Opgraving van een inheems Romeinse nederzetting langs de Woudselaan in de Harnaschpolder, gemeente Midden-Delfland (= Delft se Archeologische Rapporten 107), Delft. Balla, M.K., S. Chaudhary & T.B. Karkee, 1991: Wood energy flows, RRA study in Pokhara, Nepal (= Wood fuel flows, Field document 26, Part II). Bantelmann, A., 1955: Tofting, eine vorgeschichliche Warft an der Eidermündung (= Offa-Bücher 12), Neumünster. Bärenfänger, R., 2001: Befunde einer frühmittelalterlichen Siedlung bei Esens, Ldkr. Wittmund (Ostfriesland), PK 27, Bärenfänger, R., H.C. Küchelmann & H. Prison, 2008: Der Hund aus dem Klei, Archäologie in Niedersachsen 11, Barrett, J.L., 2002a: Dumb gods, petitionary prayer and the cognitive science of religion, in I. Pyysiäinen & V. Anttonen (eds.), Current approaches in the cognitive science of religion, London/New York, Barrett, J.L., 2002b: Smart gods, dumb gods, and the role of social cognition in structuring ritual intuitions, JCC 2, Barrett, J.L., 2004: Bringing data to mind: empirical claims of Lawson and McCauley s theory of religious ritual, in T. Light & B.C. Wilson (eds.), Religion as a human capacity. A Festschrift in honor of E. Thomas Lawson, Leiden/ Boston, Barrett, J.L. & E.T. Lawson, 2001: Ritual intuitions: cognitive contributions to judgments of ritual efficacy, JCC 1, Barrett, J.L. & B. Malley, 2007: A cognitive typology of religious actions, JCC 7, Bazelmans, J., 1991: Conceptualising early Germanic political structure: a review of the use of the concept of Gefolgschaft, in N. Roymans & F. Theuws (eds.), Images of the past. Studies on ancient societies in North- Western Europe (= Studies in Prae- en Protohistorie 7), Amsterdam, Bazelmans, J., 1999: By weapons made worthy. Lords, retainers and their relationship in Beowulf (= Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 5), Amsterdam. Bazelmans, J., 2000: Een laat-romeins bewoningshiaat in het Nederlandse kustgebied en het voortbestaan van de Friezennaam, JVT 76-82, Bazelmans, J., 2002: Die spätrömerzeitliche Besiedlungslücke im niederländischen Küstengebied und das Fortbestehen des Friesennamens, Emder Jahrbuch für historische Landes kunde Ostfrieslands 81, Bazelmans, J., 2003: De Romeinse muntvondsten uit de drie noordelijke provincies. Methodische kanttekeningen bij een nieuwe periodisering der relaties (= Tweede Van Gelderlezing), Leiden. Bazelmans, J., 2005: Die Wurten von Dongjum-Heringa, Peins-Oost und Wijnaldum-Tjitsma: kleinmaßstäblicher Deichbau in ur- und frügeschichtlicher Zeit des nördlichen Westergo, in M. Fansa (ed.), Kulturlandschaft Marsch. Natur-Geschichte-Gegenwart (= Schriftenreihe des Landesmuseums für Natur und Mensch 33), Oldenburg, Bazelmans, J., 2009: The early-medieval use of ethnic names from classical antiquity. The case of the Frisians, in T. Derks & N. Roymans (eds.), Ethnic constructs in Antiquity. The role of power and tradition (= Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 13), Amsterdam, Bazelmans, J., 2012: Erf-goed: waarde in meervoud, Vitruvius 20, Bazelmans, J., D.A. Gerrets, J. de Koning & P.C. Vos, 1999: Zoden aan de dijk. Kleinschalige dijkbouw in de late prehistorie en protohistorie van noordelijk Westergo, VF 79, Bazelmans, J., D.A. Gerrets & A. Pol, 2002: Metal detection and the Frisian kingdom. Questions about the central place of northern Westergo in the early Middle Ages, BROB 45, Bazelmans, J., M.F.P. Dijkstra & J. de Koning, 2004: Holland during the first millennium, in M. Lodewijckx (ed.), Bruc ealles well. Archaeological essays concerning the peoples of north-west Europe in the first millennium AD (= Acta archaeologica Lovaniensia monographiae 15), Leuven, Bazelmans, J., H.A. Groenendijk, G.J. de Langen, J.A.W. Nicolay & A. Nieuwhof, 2009: De late prehistorie en protohistorie van holoceen Noord-Nederland (= Nationale Onderzoeksagenda Archeologie 12), Amersfoort. Beck, H., 1970: Germanische Menschenopfer in der literarischen Überlieferung, in H. Jankuhn (ed.), Vorgeschichtliche Heiligtümer und Opferplätze in Mittel- und Nordeuropa (= Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philol.-hist. Klasse; 3, Folge, nr. 74), Göttingen, Becker, C.J., 1970: Zur Frage der eisenzeitlichen Moorgefäße in Dänemark, in H. Jankuhn (ed.), Vorgeschichtliche Heilig tümer und Opferplätze in Mittel- und Nordeuropa (= Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philol.-hist. Klasse; 3, Folge, nr. 74), Göttingen, Beer, R., 1999: The encyclopedia of Tibetan symbols and motivs, London. Beilke-Voigt, I., 2001: Kritische Bemerkungen zu den sogenannten Bauopfern in frühgeschichtlichen Siedlungen Norddeutschlands und Dänemarks, in M. Meyer (ed.),... trans albim fluvium. Forschungen zur vorrömischen, kaiserzeitlichen und mittelalterlichen Ar chäo logie. (= Internationale Archäologie. Studia honoraria Band 10), Rahden/Westf., Beilke-Voigt, I., 2004: Kinderdefizite und Kinderfriedhöfe. Zur Sonderstellung des Kindes im Bestattungsritual anhand archäologischer und ethnologischer Quellen, Ethnographisches-Archäologische Zeitschrift 45, Beilke-Voigt, I., 2007: Das Opfer im archäologischen Befund. Studien zu den sog. Bauopfern, kultischen Niederle gungen und Bestattungen in ur- und frühgeschichtlichen Siedlungen Norddeutschlands und Dänemarks (= Berliner Archäologische Forschungen 4), Rahden/Westf.

20 References 417 Bekaert, S., 1998: Multiple levels of meaning and the tension of consciousness. How to interpret iron technology in Bantu Africa, Archaeological Dialogues 5, Bell, C., 1992: Ritual theory, ritual practice, New York/ Oxford. Bell, C., 1997: Ritual: perspectives and dimensions, New York [etc.]. Bell, C., 1998: Performance, in M.C. Taylor (ed.), Critical terms for religious studies, Chicago and London, Bendezu-Sarmiento, J., H.-P. Francfort, A. Ismagulova & Z. Samashev, 2008: Post-mortem mutilations of human bodies in Early Iron Age Kazakhstan and their possible meaning for rites of burial, Antiquity 82, Bergsma, G.M.A., 2010: Menselijk botmateriaal, in S.J. Tuinstra & N. van Malssen (eds.), Een archeologische opgraving op de locatie van twee archeologische monumenten aan het Oude Diep tussen Goutum en Wirdum, gemeente Leeuwarden (Fr.) (= ARC-Publicaties 210), Groningen, Bering, J.M., 2006: The folk psychology of souls, BBS 29, Berke, S., M. Zelle, N. Tatter, K. Winter & E. Treude (eds.), 2009: 2000 Jahre Varusschlacht. Mythos, Stuttgart. Besteman, J.C., J.M. Bos, D.A. Gerrets, H.A. Heidinga & J. de Koning, 1999: The excavations at Wijnaldum. Reports on Frisia in Roman and Medieval times. Volume I, Rotterdam/Brookfield. Bienert, H.D., 1991: Skull cult in the prehistoric Near East, Journal of Prehistoric Religion 5, Binford, L.R., 1981: Bones. Ancient men and modern myths, New York etc. Birkhan, H., 1997: Kelten: Versuch einer Gesamtdarstellung ihrer Kultur, Wien. Blaupot ten Cate, D.H.S., 1916: In het land der wierden, Mooi Groningen, stad en provincie in beeld 1, Bloch, M. & J. Parry, 1982: Introduction: death and the regeneration of life, in M. Bloch & J. Parry (eds.), Death and the regeneration of life, Cambridge, Bloemers, J.H.F., 1980: Engels drop. Een poging tot ontleding van het romanisatieproces in Nederland, Westerheem 29, Bocherens, H. & D. Drucker, 2003: Trophic level isotopic enrichment of carbon and nitrogen in bone collagen: case studies from recent and ancient terrestrial ecosystems, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 13, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1900: Belangrijk skelet en armband, Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond 2, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1901: De baron Alfred de Loë over de Friesche terpen, BKNOB 4, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1906: De opgravingen in de terp Hoogebeintum, VF 20, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1908: Het Friesch museum te Leeuwarden. Catalogus der meest belangrijke voorwerpen met uitzondering der schilderijen, Leeuwarden. Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1919: Angelen en Saksen op de Friesche terpen, De Gids 83, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1922: Naschrift, JVT 6, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1927: Friesland tot de elfde eeuw. Zijn oudste beschaving en geschiedenis, s-gravenhage. Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1943: Schedelnapjes uit terpen te Stiens en Marrum, VF 37, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1949: De terpencultuur tot omstreeks 400, in J.A. van Houtte, J.F. Niermeyer, J. Presser, J. Romein & H. van Werveke (eds.), Algemene geschiedenis der Nederlanden, deel I, Utrecht/Antwerpen, Brussel, Gent en Leuven, Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1951: Friesland tot de elfde eeuw. Zijn vóóren vroege geschiedenis. Tweede druk, s-gravenhage. Boersma, J.W., 1969: De vondst van een bijl uit de Trechterbekercultuur in een middeleeuwse omgeving, Groningse Volksalmanak , Boersma, J.W., 1970: Het terpengebied in protohistorische tijd, in J.W. Boersma (ed.), Terpen - mens en milieu, Haren, Boersma, J.W., 1983: De opgraving Middelstum-Boer damsterweg in een notedop (In: P.B. Kooi, Leven langs de Fivel, van Helwerd tot Zwart Lap), in O.G. Reiders, A. Elema, J.G. Klugkist, G. de Boer & M.A. Holtman (eds.), Middelstum-Kantens. Bijdragen tot de plattelandsgeschiedenis, met een beschrijving van de boerderijen en hun bewoners, Kantens, Boersma, J.W., 1988: Een voorlopig overzicht van het archeologisch onderzoek van de wierde Heveskesklooster (Gr.), in M. Bierma, A.T. Clason, E. Kramer & G.J. de Langen (eds.), Terpen en wierden in het Fries-Groningse kustgebied, Groningen, Boersma, J.W., 1999: Back to the roots of Ezinge, in H. Sarfatij, W.J.H. Verwers & P.J. Woltering (eds.), In discussion with the past. Archaeological studies presented to W.A. van Es, Zwolle, Boersma, J.W., 2005: Colonists on the clay. The occupation of the northern coastal region, in L. Louwe Kooymans, P.W. van den Broeke, H. Fokkens & A.L. van Gijn (eds.), The prehistory of the Netherlands, Amsterdam, Bos, J.M., 1995a: Archeologie van Friesland, Utrecht. Bos, J.M., 1995b: Terpzolen, Paleo-aktueel 6, Bos, J.M., 2006: Medieval brooches from the Dutch province of Friesland (Frisia): a regional perspective on the Wijnladum brooches. Part I: small equal-armed brooches, Palaeohistoria 47/48, Bos, J.M., M.J.L.T. Niekus, J. Scheffer & T.B. Volkers, 1998: Opgraving Winsum-Bruggeburen: Romeinen in Friesland, Paleo-aktueel 9, Bos, J.M., H.T. Waterbolk, J. van der Plicht & E. Taayke, 2002: Sporen van IJzertijdbewoning in de terpzool van Wommels-Stapert (Friesland), Palaeohistoria 41/42, Bos, J.M. & E.W. Brouwer, 2005: De kruisvormige fibulae van Friesland, VF 85, Bosman, A.V.A.J., 1997: Het culturele vondstmateriaal van de vroeg-romeinse versterking Velsen 1, Dissertation Univer sity of Amsterdam.