LIVING CONDITIONS OF WOMEN 50+ IN BELGIUM

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1 LIVING CONDITIONS OF WOMEN 50+ IN BELGIUM Christel Geerts & Els Messelis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), Brussel 1. Objectives of the MERI project Methodological proceedings Studies under analysis Official statistics under analysis Overview on findings concerning the living conditions of older women in Belgium Health, functional ability and services Education Work Material situation Social integration, participation and other social issues Violence and abuse Interest representation Conclusions and recommendations Appendix References Studies Official statistics Objectives of the MERI project In 1998, the gerontology department of the Dutch-Speaking Free University of Brussels (Belgium) described the situation of ageing women in society in the book: Meisjes van 50: een sociaal psychologisch portret van vrouwen in de middenleeftijd. ( Fifty-year-old girls: a social and psychological portrait of women in middle-age ) The book s publication brought to light two different insights: 1. It is vital that a thorough screening of all available information about this target group is carried out. 2. The subject is highly relevant, both in scientific and social terms. In view of the VUB s commitment to the overarching project Mapping existing research and identifying knowledge gaps concerning the situation of older women in Europe, it seemed to us that addressing the insights mentioned above seemed the next logical step in the development of our own knowledge. This project will then allow for the addition of well-founded empirical knowledge to this theme. Furthermore, it will function as theoretical support for our social responsibility, i.e. working towards positive images with regard to ageing in general and backing pro-active policies in this respect. It must be added that ageing is also a typically European issue, one we must tackle with joined forces. The analysis and comparison of the research and statistical data shall allow the creation of a European overview of the living conditions of older women. It will enable us to help in the establishment of national and European guidelines. Consequently, this study not only has significant scientific relevance, it likewise has important social relevance as well. 1

2 2. Methodological proceedings 2.1 Studies under analysis Exploratory phase (phase 0) In this phase of the study we intended to check whether any of the universities, research centres etc. (appendix) had already been or was currently involved in research projects and/or activities for women over the age of 50. We contacted Ms. Johanna Schröder to ask for information about older women in the German-speaking part of Belgium. We were given very little information until she mentioned that she does find this European research project very interesting, but she fears the Germanspeaking part of Belgium will not be able to contribute to the project. With regard to the Flemish and Walloon regions we tried to find out which organisations had already set up activities for and research about 50+ women by searching libraries and the internet. We then wrote to every organisation and educational institution that could be of relevance in this matter. After each of these organisations had been screened, 75 of them were sent a questionnaire and an accompanying letter. Out of all these, 53 questionnaires were returned to us. These completed questionnaires were to become the initial framework for our project. After it had become clear to us who had worked on which research project, we requested copies of these papers in order to begin phase 1. Drawing up a research projects inventory (phase 1) The analyses from the research projects mentioned above were gradually added to the findings of our own, and additional studies we had found in libraries and on the internet. This research, which took months to carry out, resulted in a concise overview of most of the studies ever undertaken in Belgium which have themes relating to 50+ women as their subject of interest. 2.2 Official statistics under analysis Drawing up a statistics inventory (phase 2) Initially, we screened all organisations and services that publish official statistics by studying official reports entitled Women (in)visible in statistics ( Vrouwen (on)zichtbaar in statistieken (Smet, Miet; Garcia y Gonzalez, Ada; Van Haegendoren, Mieke (auteurs); Limburgs Universitair Centrum. Onderzoeksgroep sociale wetenschappen (andere); KUL. School voor politieke en sociale wetenschappen (andere).-kabinet van de Minister van Gelijke-Kansenbeleid Brussel, K.U.Leuven BKOP: PB/Mta/99(97-01) and Rendering women and men visible in statistics ( Vrouwen en mannen zichtbaar maken in statistieken (meta.fgov.be/pd/ pdm/nldm02.htm). We selected a total of around 60 organisations. This list was then submitted to the relevant person in the Office for Planning and Statistics ( Administratie Planning en Statistiek ) of the Flemish government, who approved of the list but also referred to other sources. This person was especially useful in pointing us in the direction of Walloon data. This research also took months, but it likewise resulted in a concise overview of all the statistics ever carried out in Belgium which draw on data from research projects that have subjects relating to 50+ women at their core. Studies/statistics which required payment were not included in the report. 2

3 The first step we undertook in order to find relevant statistics was the following: the 60-odd organisations mentioned previously were systematically consulted for available and relevant information about the various themes. We mainly searched the internet and libraries for this purpose. The statistics we could use were summarized and described according to age and gender differentiation. In certain cases the source included statistics for all requested years, other sources only included statistics for certain years or the more recent ones. In March we submitted a report listing all statistics found and extensively describing each of the themes presented. In a second phase we addressed and screened the 60 organisations again for any relevant publications they might have at their disposal. We asked to receive a copy of these relevant publications but we got very little response. We did find additional links to other official statistics in the course of our screening, especially for Wallonia. This additional information was summarized yet again and described whilst taking age and gender differences into account. 3. Overview on findings concerning the living conditions of older women in Belgium 3.1 Health, functional ability and services Since the 1990s we have a sufficiently adequate database at our disposal compiling information about the general health of older men and women. There is macro-information available with regard to the general and physical health problems of women, be it compared with men or not. We mainly have data about menopause, osteoporosis and fractures. Data that relate to causes of death are also available, and they include a comparison of the sexes. Heart-related and vascular problems, as well as cancer are the most important causes of death for both sexes. Men die most often from lung cancer and women from breast cancer. Within the oldest age category (75+), the most frequent cancers are prostate for men and colon/rectum for women. When it comes to serious health problems and the consequent disabilities they can generate, men are affected more frequently than women. Women are more often confronted with various lighter physical ailments and disorders. Data are also available with regard to chronic complaints. We have prevalence information, and to a lesser extent longitudinal data at our disposal which relate to chronic complaints and discomforts (such as high blood pressure, wear and tear of the joints). Almost half of the people aged 65 and over has to deal with chronic ailments. Within these data there is no mention of a methodical gender differentiation within the various age groups. Some data reveal that these problems affect 65+ women much more than men, as they appear to suffer more from physical constraints. There are no data available to overtly contradict these gender-differences. We hardly dispose of any research material that looks at illness within an individual course of life and at the coping processes this illness is addressed with. However, we do have information about health perception. We have data available about health perception which differentiate between age and gender. One can furthermore conclude from the nature of the results that these differentiations are highly relevant. The older the people concerned are, the less positive their perception, and, in general, men are more content than women. Many gender-bound differences within health perception are related to the difference in life expectancy: women tend to grow older than men. This means they have to cope with experiences of loss more often (situations that are often very stressful), and that they, in absolute figures, have to deal with age-related illnesses much more frequently. This is especially the case when one looks at data with regard to mental disorders. 3

4 The prevalence of dementia takes off especially after the age of 85. The findings about whether or not women are at a greater risk of developing dementia are contradictory. We have research at our disposal which concludes that women stand a smaller chance of developing dementia, whereas statistics show that proportionately they are afflicted with it much more often. The occurrence of psychological issues, sleeping disorders, and anxiety problems increases with age, and therefore they are more frequent among women. In this respect too there are few data available that differentiate methodically between age and gender. When the distinction is made, however, they point towards the same conclusion: women suffer more from psychological problems than men, even when age differences are taken into account. These findings can be made tangible by referring to the figures for various ailments, including symptoms of depression. The pattern for suicide is different. Several sources indicate that suicide attempts decrease with age, and even though women attempt to end their own lives more often than men, men die as a result of suicide more often. Alongside objective and subjective factors relating to the health of women and men, it is also important to gather information about health behaviour. There are data available about medical consumption, or more specifically, about how often doctors are consulted. Generally speaking, older people appear to consume more than young adults. A certain tendency of findings shows that women consume more than men, regardless of age group. Within the different age groups the distinction according to gender is rarely made. We did not find much information about the use of medication; generally speaking, however, we could deduce from existing material that women take more medicine than men. These findings are often linked to the differences found in terms of psycho-social problems. Another indicator in terms of health behaviour is what we call healthy lifestyle. When it comes to preventive health behaviour, most information directed towards women, as well a pre-emptive action undertaken by women, has to do with breast and cervical cancer. Generally speaking, one does see a drop in such preventive action in women over 60, even in terms of breast examinations and pap smears. With regard to domestic care, we have data that are especially differentiated according to age: the older the age category under consideration, the higher the degree of dependency, and therefore the need for domestic care. There are several extensive databases available but these do not make a gender distinction within the different age groups. Very many data address the question: What can older people cope with? In other words, to what extent can they help themselves? A few observations: 1. there is a wide array of information available on this subject; 2. however, a methodical gender analysis of the results is often lacking; 3. there is little method when it comes to making this concept ( the ability to help oneself ) operational. This makes a comparison of the research data rather difficult. The already existing trend has been confirmed by recent research into standards of living. In general terms, older people show a strong ability to help themselves, depending on the activities 10 to 40% of people aged 75 and over need care at home. The gender-differences found relate mostly to the fact that women score less well when it come to features of mobility, and that when one looks at a wide range of domestic tasks and chores, they are less able to help themselves than men of a same age. In comparison to men women do take care of themselves and their own health better. 4

5 In view of women s life expectancy they do rely on institutional care more often than men. In 2001, 80% of the people aged 95 and over was living in a residential home. This translates into a predominance of women, as they represent 4/5 of this age group. We have data at our disposal about the use of day-care centres, clinics, psychiatric institutions, and residential homes. Two restrictions come into play in this respect: There are many more facilities for older people for which we have no methodical registration data yet. In all the information about institutional care we found no data that methodically combined a differentiation in terms of age with one in terms of gender. 3.2 Education Numerous data are available about the general education of men and women. These data consistently show substantial differences in educational levels according to age, gender and employment status: The educational level decreases as the age group gets older. Women have a lower educational level than men (the highest completed educational level among 65+ women is primary education: 82.91% completed primary education, compared with 75% of men). Those who do work have a higher educational level in relation to their peers. An analysis of several economic indicators, including degree of activity, usually reveals a gender, age and educational differentiation. Information about professional and vocational training, as well as life-long learning, is rather limited. There are indications that there has been an increase in participation over the years, but older people, including older employees, tend to participate less in training sessions. With regard to vocational training and life-long learning, no data are available in which age and gender differentiation are considered. Roughly, one can say that women participate more than men but one cannot deduce if this is also the case among the older age groups. The question whether women participate less or more than men in training sessions cannot be answered unambiguously. The data available are very difficult to compare; because of their specific natures they yield very different results. Some data show hardly any differences. Other data show that 50+ women participate less in training sessions than men and this also includes the older employees. Some data do differentiate between the status of the people concerned and conclude that unemployed and inactive 50+ women participate more in training sessions. There is a complete lack of qualitative data (what kind of training does one participate in, with what intention?). 3.3 Work In terms of the quantitative aspects of women s labour market participation, there is a wealth of data available. Very often a differentiation between age and gender is made. Additional information about type of employment is also available. There is no uniformity with regard to the demarcation of these age groups, and this of course renders an internal comparison of the data more difficult. Almost 20% of the working population belongs to the age group A similar percentage of industrial accidents involves older people. By 2010, 30% of the working population will be aged 55 or more. This group of older employees consists for about 37% of women (32% of 5

6 the industrial accidents involve this age group). Female employees are represented relatively better in the public sector: 43% of 50+ women are employed in the public sector. Extensive surveys that research the profile of employees are conducted annually. There is a low employment rate among older employees in Belgium. Among women aged 50-64, the employment rate amounts to even less than 30% (29.25%). We have macro-information at our disposal with regard to the global features of the employment of the people concerned: area and hours of employment. Comparatively speaking, many men and women aged 50 or over do not work full-time. Women work part-time more often than men and the number of women who work part-time is increasing still: almost 50% of all employed women work part-time. Marital status does exert an important influence on labour activities: one out of 10 married women and widows are employed, compared with 1 out of 4 unmarried or divorced women. When it comes to unemployment there are also various and sufficient indicators. We have data at our disposal about unemployment and these data are differentiated according to age, gender, educational level and activity sector. There is a higher unemployment rate among women than men (index based on number of job-seekers), and among the unemployed women there is also an important difference in terms of educational level. The following data illustrate this: among women aged 50-64, there is an unemployment rate of 4.1% compared to 2.5% among men. This unemployment rate rises to 6.9% among semi- and unskilled women of this age group, compared to 1.1% among highly skilled women. There are several data about the various systems and modalities by which a member of the active population can exit the labour market. They are almost impossible to compare and contrast. Within these data there is certainly no question of a methodical differentiation between age and gender. The number of women officially categorized as older unemployed person not in search of a job (the basic age was raised systematically during the last couple of years: currently it stands at 58 years of age) or career fully terminated continues to rise among women. Men exit the labour market in different ways from women. Women find themselves much more often in unattractive financial working situations; including exit-modalities. There are few general data (or data that can be generalized) available about this theme. This was mentioned earlier when we dealt with domestic care. We then came to the remarkable conclusion that within the eldest age groups, men provide more volunteer aid than women. More than a third of the people aged takes care of grandchildren. The way this is done has changed over the years, but various data show that grandparents are and will continue to be a significant source of relief for their offspring. It is also within this age group that most women take care of their parents (in-law). We did not find any information about unpaid work in social networks. 3.4 Material situation Various indicators show that women run a financial bigger risk than men. Several sources of documentation are available on this subject, and usually they include a differentiation according to gender and age. Average levels of income are lower for women than men. As mentioned before, women tend to leave the labour market in different circumstances than men. 6

7 This also has financial consequences, because not every kind of redundancy package or exit possibility is lucrative. The figures for the unemployed who are entitled to a jobseekers allowance show that about 48% of men benefit from a financially interesting redundancy package, whereas for women this is only 13%. We have also already pointed out that women work in different kinds of part-time systems more frequently, which are financially less interesting. This can also be documented by various indicators. Women can often be found in figures for people who are on a sabbatical, who are industrially disable, who receive a guaranteed income for older people However, it should be noted that we are not always in possession of differentiated data. Within the group of older women itself there is an additional distinction: being unmarried and of a more advanced age are to be considered negative factors in this context. Documentation on this subject is also available. We have several fragmented data about social provisions (social housing, health insurance ) which older people can benefit from. It does seem clear, however, that 72% of the beneficiaries who receive an allowance for older people is female. We did not find much information on consumption of goods and services. Furthermore, the data are very different, jeopardising the development of any knowledge in this field. We do have some consumption information which could be grouped under the heading: health behaviour. Older people have more regular eating patterns than their younger and active counterparts, and women of all age groups eat more regularly than men. The data which relate to smoking and alcohol consumption are not sufficiently differentiated and mainly focus on young people. The percentage of people that smoke within the older age groups is significantly lower, and the same applies to the percentage of people that consume alcohol. We cannot derive any conclusions from the data about age-related gender differences. Older people take more prescribed medicine compared to younger age groups. This difference does not apply to over-the-counter medicine. Women use more medication than men. The fragmented information available does not provide a sufficient basis from which to make observations about gender differences among the older age groups in terms of health behaviour. Data were found about ways of living. Most women between the ages of 50 and 55 live together with their partner and children. As they grow older, women are more likely to live alone than men are. At a more advanced age, however, the former are more likely to take up residence in a form of collective housing. Gender-specific data about quantitative living aspects among older people are practically unavailable. It does appear, however, that male heads of the family over the age of 65 own the family home more often than their female counterparts. Additionally, older people live in accommodation without basic comforts more often than the young. 3.5 Social integration, participation and other social issues With regard to marital status and household structure, the important data resources at our disposal are not differentiated according to gender. As people grow older, the number of married people decreases and the number of widow(er)s increases. The percentage of di- 7

8 vorced people rises as well, but it stays relatively small. Of all women aged 60 and over, less than half is married, while two thirds of 60+ men is married still. This difference in marital status also implies differences between household structures. The number of women who live alone the percentage of women in the category of people living alone increases with age. This is a logical consequence of the fact that, on average, women grow older than men. About 27% of the women in the age group is single, and this increases to 45% in the age group of 75 and over. As mentioned above, most information we have concerning partnership relations relates mainly to marital status and household structure. The variations in lifestyle according to gender are informed by the differences in life expectancy, by the fact that women often marry men that are much older than they are, and finally by the fact that men remarry more often than women. A lot of attention has been paid specifically to the situation of divorced women, but empirical data are still limited. Within the category of women aged 50-65, there has been an enormous rise in the divorce rate in the last two decades. Moreover, the financial impact of divorce is bigger for women of this generation, and there are also indications that the psychological consequences of divorce are more important for women than men. When it comes to the intergenerational relations women have, the existing information mostly concerns the following aspects: quantity and intensity of these contacts. This information is also described in demographic studies, but above all, in publications on care. Among women aged 50 and over, intergenerational contacts are often related to the fact that these women s time and energies are taken up by the needs of their parents, their partner, their children and their grandchildren. It does appear from the data that women themselves play an important role in this. The following data are illustrative: In the age group 60-64, only one out of six women is not involved in providing some form of care. 67% of people aged take care of their grandchildren in one way or another. Among very old people (85+), about one out of five receives help from their children: this concerns mainly younger older women. A lot of information is available about the obviously important role women play in intergenerational care. There are also indications (although documentation is rather limited) that women are not only more active in the intergenerational network, but that they also interpret it in a different way. Women not only provide more care than men, they are also emotionally more involved in this care, although they are comparatively less supported by their partners. Traditional gender roles make it more difficult for women to ask for help, as they are considered to be naturals at providing care. How do young people relate to older women? This question cannot be answered unambiguously. Young adolescents have, in general, a rather negative image of older people. They hereby conform to subtle negative social stereotyping. On the other hand, research shows that the intergenerational relationship between an adolescent grandchild and grandparent (mother) is usually considered to be very positive and valuable. The role of a grandmother is very varied, but it is considered fascinating and very enriching. We have relatively little data at our disposal about this subject. Moreover, the theme is most often approached from a clinical perspective. Because of a change in sexual morality in the course of the last century, individual freedom has steadily gained in importance. There are several indications that the sexual revolution 8

9 of the sixties and seventies has also had an important influence on a certain segment of 50+ women. We present some illustrative data: Research shows that the majority of female older people does not agree with the idea that sex is bad for them. Research shows that about some controversial themes such as sex outside marriage, homosexuality and masturbation within marriage, opinions are strongly divided and in no way unambiguously conservative. From the limited information we have concerning sexual behaviour and perceptions, a diverging picture arises. If you look at the younger older women especially, you mostly obtain a picture of sexually active women, rather than sexually passive and unwilling ones. This can be confirmed by the following indicators: More than half of the younger older people has had sexual intercourse in the last month. The majority is satisfied both with the frequency and quality of the sexual act. A vast majority claims to orgasm almost every time or frequently at least. Despite such findings, the deficit-model continues to have an impact, in terms of older people as well. And yet it must be mentioned that there are a lot of clinical data which document physical changes such as hormonal changes and their effect on organs such as the vagina, the uterus etc. Of course, these physical aspects can influence the perception of sexuality. There is no specific information on this subject available. The theme is referred to occasionally, but mostly from the perspective of care. One can mention, however, that care work across lateral relations is rather a-typical in general. There is little general information on this subject. We can conclude that among men as well as women, regular contacts with neighbours increase as one grows older: 48% of women aged between 65 and 74 has a daily chat with their neighbours (for men it is 40%). From the age of 75 this figure drops again. When it comes to an appreciation of social ties in general, there are little differences between ages or genders. Data about mobility and accessibility are scarce and fragmented. The percentage of people who have a driver s licence varies enormously according to gender, and among women also according to age. About 90% of young women have a driver s licence. This percentage drops heavily from the age of 45. Only one out of three women aged 65 and over has a driver s licence, while about 90% of men of the same age do have one. As mentioned before, many women aged 65 or more live alone, which jeopardises their mobility. More information about mobility in and around the home is also available. These data are difficult to compare and contrast (we raised this point earlier when dealing with older people s ability to help oneself), but all data indicate that mobility continues to be a particular point of interest in the context of providing care to older people (e.g. a Health Inquiry shows that the mobility of 36% of women aged 75 and more is affected). Several data are available about participation in leisure and cultural activities. Here also, however, there is no methodical gender differentiation in the data. Moreover, it remains difficult to find connections and draw comparisons between the different findings. Several data about cultural consumption such as visiting a museum, reading books and library use, indicate that cultural consumption generally decreases with age. These sources also show that 9

10 educational level is an important stimulating factor, which explains the age effect in these figures to a great extent. The overall findings can be summarized as follows. Women aged 50 and over show a rather high participation rate in leisure activities. A lot of women also engage in more passive, traditional activities at home: watching television, reading, sewing Additionally, one can state that women are less active in sports clubs. A comprehensive study on time-management has shown that only 4% of women between the ages of 66 and 75 engage in sports activities, whereas this figure amounts to 15% for their male counterparts. Women score relatively well in the other data. 48% engage in recreational activities regularly (e.g. walking, cycling, swimming), 40% claim to go out regularly and 18% participate in cultural activities (e.g. theatre, cinema ). For men of this age, the figures are consistently higher. Despite the fact that women join clubs and societies less frequently than men, they nevertheless attend local organisations for older people and other socio-cultural clubs regularly. In leisure organisations, older women are more active in providing care. They also participate remarkably more often in activities based on educational training and hobbies (often within the organisations for older people themselves). Men tend to do sports more often. Voluntary work in Belgium is mentioned in various publications. However, deriving an overview of this work is not straightforward, nor is it easy to interpret the findings for specific groups such as older women. The time-management study mentioned earlier indicates that within the age group, 10% of women do voluntary work or provide some form of unpaid help, compared to 8% of men. Among the year olds, these percentages are 5% and 15%, respectively. Men do more voluntary work within this age group. Other databases reveal that year olds are especially active in this domain. They show that more than one out of five women of this age group does voluntary work. Figures here also indicate that among the older age groups the percentage of people who engage in voluntary work dwindles, especially among women. On the basis of a comparative analysis of the nature of this voluntary work, one can contend that women mostly offer their help in the caring or aid sector, whereas men, in comparison, voluntary commit themselves more readily to sports clubs and/or to doing chores or to participating in meetings. In contrast to expectations based on the quantity of the data, empirical data are not that extensive. Furthermore, the existing data are fragmented. The overall findings can be summarized as follows. Older people lose a large part of their social value in our society. It seems that the older you are, the lower your social prestige. Women are even more under-valued than men. Not only are they confronted with ageism, but they have to deal with sexism as well. These negative attitudes emerge especially when women hit the age of 50 and after. Consequently, they are less valued in our society than their male contemporaries. A refined analysis and comparison between the different age groups of women aged 50 and over is lacking, however. Just as in the previous paragraph, we cannot claim not to dispose of sufficient data. However, here too a comparative analysis of the data is difficult, which renders any further addition to our knowledge questionable. A large part of the existing information has been linked by researchers to finding conclusive evidence for proving or denying the existence of a midlife-crisis. These two research objectives have been considered mutually incompatible but they should not be. Various data show that many women aged 50 and over suffer from a low self-image, and a lot of women link negative aspects to growing older. However, there are also data that do not confirm this trend. They point out that as women grow older, their self-esteem rises. This could partly be attributed to the fact that women are increasingly better at distancing themselves from vari- 10

11 ous beauty ideals as they get older. This would then lead to a better acceptance of their own bodies. Women seem especially able to throw off the yoke of these beauty ideals from middle age onwards. When comparing both sexes for psycho-sociological aspects various opinions prevail. According to some men score better in data on well-being, whereas others claim the opposite. Women seem to have a more positive outlook on growing older than their male peers. 3.6 Violence and abuse The existing information is hardly differentiated in terms of age and gender, making it very difficult to position the older women within the data at our disposal. Sexual violence directed towards women decreases as they get older. The percentage of women who reported to have been the victim of physical violence in the last year also fell according to age. Among the age group of young women (25-34) the figure amounts to 3.3%, while among the age group and the women aged 75 and over the figure amounts to 0.1% en 0.2%, respectively. Other data confirm this trend (drop according to age), but they do not confirm the actual numbers. Some data show, for instance, that almost 5% of all women 75 and over have been the victims of some form of violence. Data about theft and burglary point to a figure of around 2% to 3% of women from the oldest age groups. What does seem clear, nevertheless, is that over the years the number of older people who perceive life to be more dangerous than before has risen steadily. We have data from which we can derive that, in comparison to men, women from the age of 60 onwards are more often confronted with various forms of physical, sexual, psychological and financial violence. Within the home and in care abuse and violence seems to be a reality that cannot be ignored. The gender dimension here appears almost intrinsically linked to the violence perpetrated. 3.7 Interest representation As women in general are still under-represented in the various political echelons of Belgium, we have many data at our disposal about the gender aspect in terms of political participation. However, most of these data do not differentiate according to age, making our overview of women aged 50 and over in this respect rather limited. Participation of older women in other areas of the social and political decision-making process has hardly been examined. We do know that there is still a shortage of women aged 50 and over in the executive committees of local advisory bodies, including and especially in advisory bodies of older people. Apart from political participation in the strict sense of the word, which drops heavily from the age of 50 onwards, we should also pay attention to more informal forms of political participation. It can be derived from data that in general older people keep abreast of current events very regularly. Almost 90% of the men and women aged 65 and over claim to take in current events daily. The APS-survey reveals that more than half of the Flemish population is an active member of at least one club or society. Other studies draw the same conclusions too, on the basis of several indicators. We do not dispose of any data which consistently distinguish between age and gender. It can be said, however, that commitment to clubs and societies does not seem to decrease with age, although you do see a drop in the number of people who are still very active within their respective clubs or hobbies from the age of 75 onwards. The levels of participation for the age group of is high, especially when compared to figures for the young age groups. In clubs for the aged, the disabled etc. one remains active until a very ripe old 11

12 age: one fifth of all year olds is still active within one of the associations. As these organisations not only organise leisure activities but are also committed to championing their own interests one can only hope that older people participate in formal and informal decisionmaking processes in this less direct way. 4. Conclusions and recommendations There is not enough useful data available on many aspects of older women s situation in Belgium. On certain subjects we hardly have any information, or the information we do have is not differentiated according to age or gender. Regardless of the above, one cannot deny that there has been a positive evolution in terms of the amount of information available, but there are still many gaps in our knowledge. Our analysis showed that certain themes are well-documented, such as older woman s employment situation. Other themes, such as the ability to help oneself, are also reported on sufficiently, but it is still difficult to obtain a general picture from the information available. There were several subjects in this study for which it was not easy to gather information. If the situation of older women in our society could be derived from the data, there were still inconsistencies and shortcomings; little attention has been given to diversity within the group in terms of age, ethnic origins, etc. Generally speaking, we can say that older women are still too invisible in the data, and even if they are rendered visible as a group, not enough attention is drawn to the diversity within. We not only need a higher quantity of figures, we also need data of a different quality. Furthermore, it is important that the existing data can be compared, as this is after all the essence of scientific development. A lot remains to be done in this respect as well. It seems vital to us that the existing figures are more carefully attuned to each other, so that not only their scientific use but also their social value increases. The ageing of the population is a huge social challenge for Belgium. The demand for more research, a research institute etc has been voiced at several levels in recent years. It seems therefore very important to us, particularly in view of the feminisation of this ageing population, that attention is systematically given to gender-specific research and statistics. This is also important in the context of equal opportunities policies. The feminisation of the ageing population is a crucial factor in social terms: it is consequently very important that the process can be underpinned scientifically. We need scientific means with which we can reveal and measure the treatment of and discrimination against women objectively. Equal opportunities policies must be based on a better awareness of reality. This is why gender statistics must be compiled methodically, taking account of age differences as well. Gender data must be compiled and developed for older people too, so that government policy for this group of women can be systematically set on the basis of the information drawn. 12

13 5. Appendix Universiteit Expertise Coördinaten Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Université Libre de Bruxelles Université Libre de Bruxelles Université Libre de Bruxelles Université Libre de Bruxelles Université Libre de Bruxelles Universiteit Gent Limburgs Universitair Centrum Universiteit Antwerpen Universiteit Antwerpen Universiteit Antwerpen Universiteit Antwerpen Vrije Univesiteit Brussel Vrije Universiteit Brussel Vrije Universiteit Brussel Vrije Universiteit Brussel Vrije Universiteit Brussel Université de Liège Aspecten van ouderdom Gezondheid Tewerkstelling Etude de genre, émanicipation et condition féminines dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire (sociologie de la famille) Femmes dans l emploi Immigration féminine Travail des femmes. Tous les aspects de leur insertion professionnelle. Cancer ages 50+, cancer du sein femmes entre ans Ouderenstudies Senioren Vrouwen Vrouwen Werkgelegenheid Sociaal beleid Welzijn en de verzorgingsstaat Panel Studie van Belgische Huishoudens Vrouwenstudies Vrouwenstudies Vrouwenstudies Geriatrie Ontwikkelings- en levenslooppscychologie Ontwikkelings- en levenslooppsychologie Conditions de vie problematique du vieillissement Alfons Marcoen Centrum voor Ontwikkelingspsychologie Steven Boonen Geriatrie Jozef Pacolet HIVA Sociaal & Economisch Beleid Eliane Gubin GRIEF (Groupe interdisciplinaire d études sur les femmes) Danièle Meulder Robert Plasman Dulbéa Anne Morelli Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres Jean Puissant Journalisme et communication Françoise Huet Institut Jules Bordet centre des tumeurs Paulette Van Oost Experimenteel-klinische en gezondheidspsychologie Ouderenstudies Mieke Van Haegendoren SEIN (Sociaal Economisch Onderzoek) Bea Cantillon CSB (Centrum voor Sociaal Beleid) Jef Breda Faculteit Politieke en Sociale Wetenschappen (UFSIA) Dimitri Mortelmans Faculteit Politieke en Sociale Wetenschappen (UFSIA) Magda Michielsens Centrum voor Vrouwenstudies Machteld Demetsenaere Centrum voor Vrouwenstudies Alison Woodward Centrum voor Vrouwenstudies Tony Mets Ingrid Ponjaert Dominique Verté Marie-Thérèse Casman 13

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15 Hoge Raad voor de Werkgelegenheid (2000). Verslag Federaal Ministerie van Tewerkstelling en Arbeid. Brussel. Jacobs, T. & Lodewijckx, E. (2002). Burgerlijke staat en huishoudelijke samenstelling van ouderen in Vlaanderen: nieuwe gegevens en oude vragen. In: Hertekant, G. (2002). Ouderen en relaties. Hoger Instituut voor Gezinswetenschappen. Koninckx, E., Verté, D. & Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, I. (1997). Wat na 55? Onderzoek naar de kwaliteitsverbetering van de werking van de seniorenbonden in Limburg. Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Kurz, X., Scuvée-Moreau, J., Salmon, E., Pepin, J.L., Ventura, M. & Dresse, A. (2001). La démence en Belgique: taux de prevalence chez les sujets ages consultant en médicine générale. Rev Med Liège 2001; 56:12: Lesthaeghe, R., et al. (1998). Eerst optellen dan delen. Demografie, economie en sociale zekerheid. Universiteit Antwerpen. Marcoen, A., Van Cotthem, K. & Billiet, K. (2002). Dimensies van subjectief welzijn bij ouderen. Tijdschrift Gerontologie & Geriatrie. 2000, volume 33, nr. 4, p Merck Sharp & Dohme b.v. Wat weet u van osteoporose (botontkalking)? Meulemans, H. (1994). Meting van de afhankelijkheidsgraad in de ouderenzorg. Universiteit Antwerpen. Ministère fédéral de l Emploi et du Travail. (Mars 2002). La politique belge de l emploi dans le cadre de la stratégie européenne pour l emploi. Mortelmans, D. & Spee, S. (1997). Eigenwaarde, lichaamstevredenheid en het schoonheidsideaal in kader van de RUBY-campagne. UA. Antwerpen. Mortelmans, D. (2002). De gevolgen van echtscheiding op latere leeftijd. In: Hertekant, G. (2002). Ouderen en relaties. Hoger Instituut voor Gezinswetenschappen. N.I.S. (2001). Mathematische demografie. Bevolkingsvooruitzichten Novo Nordisk België. (2001). Oorzaken en gevolgen van de menopauze. Sabbe, P. & Verlinden, E. (2001). Thuiszorg, ouderenbeleid en zorgverzekering: een wegwijzer, V.V.S.G.-pocker. V.V.S.G. voor gemeente en O.C.M.W. & Politeia. Smits, W. (2000). Politieke en maatschappelijke participatie van vrouwen in Vlaanderen. Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Vakgroep Sociologie. Onderzoeksgroep TOR. Vandenberck, A., Opdebeeck, S. & Lammertyn, F. (1998). Geweld en onveiligheidsgevoelens bij ouderen. Prevalentie en gevolgen. LUCAS. Leuven. Vanderleyden, L., et al. (1999). Population ageing: key issues and recommendations for action. Centrum Bevolkings- en Gezinsstudiën. Vanderleyden, L. (1995). The way women of 55 and over in Flanders (Belgium) spend their time. In: G. Appleton, N. (eds.). (1995). Elderly Women in Europe. Choices and Challenges. Leuven: Acco: Vanderleyden, L. & Dooghe, G. (red.). (1993). De ouder wordende vrouw in de samenleving. Een uitdaging. Brussel: Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap. Vanderleyden, L. (1993). Over vrouwen van 55-plussers: een bundeling van wetenschappelijke inzichten. In: Van Haegendoren, M., Leye, E., Verstappen. L. (1993). Jaarboek van de vrouw De situatie van de vrouw in Vlaanderen, anno Garant. Leuven/Appeldoorn. Van Audenhove, C., Lammertijn, F., Declercq, A. & Spruytte, N. (1999). Oudere vrouwen en dementie. In: Van Haegendoren, M., De Clerck, G., Rowie, A. (1999). Oudere vrouwen. Nederlandstalige Vrouwenraad en Steunpunt Women s Studies. Van Haegendoren, M. (1999). Het Internationaal Jaar van de Ouderen. Onderzoek sein. LUC. 15

16 Van Haegendoren, M. (1999). Werken oudere vrouwen nog en hoe? In: Van Haegendoren, M., De Clerck, G., Rowie, A. (1999). Oudere vrouwen. Nederlandstalige Vrouwenraad en Steunpunt Women s Studies. Van Heeringen, C.& Reyserhove, E. (2000). Zelfmoordpogingen. De epidemiologie van zelfmoordpogingen in de regio Groot Gent in Vlaamse overheid, administratie Gezondheidszorg. Brussel. Van Moffaert, M. (1999). Oudere vrouwen en psychosomatiek. In: Van Haegendoren, M., De Clerck, G., Rowie, A. (1999). Oudere vrouwen. Nederlandstalige Vrouwenraad en Steunpunt Women s Studies. Van Wetteren, J. (1997). Hoe zien jongeren ouderen en ouderen jongeren?. De Grijze Panters. Antwerpen. Versporten, A., Bossuyt, N. & Meulenbergs, L. (2001). Gezond ouder worden. Determinanten en dynamiek van gezond versus disfunctioneel verouderen met bijzondere aandacht voor het leeftijdsgebonden dementeringsproces. Analyse van longitudinale gegevens. KUL. Leuven. Wetenschappelijk Instituut Volksgezondheid (1997). Osteoporose en heupfracturen. Huidige toestand en bijdrage van informatie voor het opbouwen van een gezondheidsbeleid. Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap, administratie gezondheidszorg. 6.2 Official statistics Nationaal Instituut Statistiek (N.I.S.) Administratie, Planning en Statistiek (A.P.S.: zie website Vlaamse Gemeenschap) (aps.vlaanderen.be) Ministerie van Tewerkstelling en Arbeid (M.T.A.) Rijksdienst voor Sociale Zekerheid (R.S.Z.) Rijksinstituut voor Ziekte- en Invaliditeitsverzekering (R.I.Z.I.V.) Ministerie van Ambtenarenzaken Rijksinstituut voor de Sociale Verzekering der Zelfstandigen (R.S.V.Z.) Union Professionelle des entreprises de traival interimaire (UPEDI) Fonds voor Arbeidsongevallen (F.A.O.) Fonds voor Beroepsziekten (F.B.Z.) Rijksdienst voor Arbeidsvoorzieningen (R.V.A.) Brusselse Gewestelijke Dienst voor Arbeidsbemiddeling (B.G.D.A) Vlaamse Dienst voor Arbeidsbemiddeling (V.D.A.B.) Office Communautaire et régional de la Formation Professionnelle et de l Emploi (F.O.R.E.M.) Rijksdienst voor Pensioenen (R.V.P.) Ministerie van Sociale Zaken, Volksgezondheid en Leefmilieu Instituut van de onderneming (I.O.) Belgisch Werk tegen Kanker Instituut voor Hygiëne en Epidemiologie (I.H.E.) Algemene politiesteundienst (A.P.S.D.) Afdeling Politiebeleidsondersteuning (P.B.O.) Ministerie van Justitie Commissariaat-Generaal voor de Vluchtelingen en de Staatslozen (C.G.V.S.) Steunpunt begeleiders uitgeprocedeerden Payoke (Dossiers slachtoffers mensenhandel) 16

17 PAG-ASA (Mensenhandel) Belgisch Instituut voor de Verkeersveiligheid (B.I.V.V.) VRIND-rapporten (Vlaamse Regionale Indicatoren) Nationale Arbeidsraad Centrale Raad voor het Bedrijfsleven Belgische Senaat Kamer voor Volksvertegenwoordigers Vlaamse Gemeenschap Vlaams Parlement Conseil de la Communauté Française Rat der deutsch prachtigen Gemeinschaft Ministerie van het Gewest Brussel-Hoofdstad Brusselse Hoofdstedelijke Raad Parlement Wallon Federale Voorlichtingsdienst Inbel Databank Kruispuntbank van de sociale zekerheid (K.S.Z.) De Brusselse Gewestelijke Dienst voor Arbeidsbemiddeling Office communautaire et régional de la Formation professionnelle et de l Emploi Centrum voor Sociaal Beleid (C.S.B. Universiteit Antwerpen) Panel Studie van Belgische Huishoudens (P.S.B.H.) Steunpunt Gezinsdemografisch Panel: Universiteit Antwerpen Universiteit Luik: Point d Appui Panel Demographique European Community Household Panel (E.C.H.P.) Steunpunt W.A.V. (Steunpunt Werk Arbeid en Vorming: steunpunt Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) Sociaal Economisch Panel (met S.E.B. analyses: steekproefenquête naar de beroepsbevolking) Rijksdienst voor Sociale Zekerheid van de Provinciale en Plaatselijke Overheidsdiensten O.C.M.W. s V.V.S.G. s (Vereniging voor Vlaamse Steden en Gemeenten)Organisatie voor Economische Samenwerking en ontwikkeling (OESO) Women s Indicatores and statistical spreadsheet database for Micro-computors (WISTAT) Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken Interuniversitaire Steunpunten Politieke Opinie-onderzoekingen (I.S.P.O.) Federale Diensten voor Wetenschappelijke Technische en Culturele aangelegenheden Loon- en arbeidstijdgegevenbank (LATG) Travail-Emploi et Formation (Steunpunt ULB) United Nations Statistics Divisions Wetenschappelijk Instituut Volksgezondheid (WIV) Databank Steunpunt Gelijkekansenbeleid Federale Overheidsdienst Economie, KMO, Middenstand & Energie Observatorium voor Gezondheid en Welzijn Brussel ( Institut Wallon de l évaluation, de la prospective et de la statistique (statistiques.wallonie.be) World Health Organisation 17