Where the Sun Does Not Shine Barriers to Photovoltaic Energy Diffusion in the Netherlands

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1 Where the Sun Does Not Shine Barriers to Photovoltaic Energy Diffusion in the Netherlands Bob Alberts Tel Universiteit van Amsterdam Faculty of Behavioural and Social Sciences MSc Political Science Research Project: The Political Economy of Energy Supervisor: Dr. Mehdi P. Amineh Second reader: Daniel Scholten

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3 Map of the Netherlands Source: Nations online, Political Map of the Netherlands,

4 Table of Content List of tables 7 List of Abbreviations 8 Acknowledgement 9 Abstract 10 Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1. Introduction Theoretical Framework Energy Scarcity Consumer and Corporate Social Responsibility Barriers to Entry Brandz Model of Perceptions Subpolitics Theoretical summary Data Gathering Methods and Analysis Organisation of the Work 25 Chapter 2: Current Energy Situation 2.1. Introduction Demand Induced Scarcity World energy consumption The effects of population growth The effects of economic growth The effects of technological progress Dutch energy consumption The effects of population growth The effects of economic growth The effects of technological progress Supply induced scarcity Fossil fuels Nuclear Energy Renewable energy Combining Supply and Demand Structural Scarcity Conclusion 47 4

5 Chapter 3 Policy Dutch Government and Renewable Energy 3.1. Introduction Potential Roles of the Government in Renewable Energy Government Monopoly Structuring the Market Participating in the Market The Specific Role of the Dutch Government Conclusion 55 Chapter 4 Corporate Social Responsibility and Renewable Energy Diffusion 4.1. Introduction The Dutch Electricity Market Distribution Network Operators Electricity Suppliers Electricity Producers The strategic disadvantage for renewable energy Dutch Policy and Regulations Shifts in policy The SDE Mechanism The inefficient green energy certificate market The Profitability of Renewable Energy Conclusion 72 Chapter 5 Consumer Social Responsibility and Photovoltaic Energy Diffusion 5.1. Introduction Perceptions Consumer Social Responsibility Photovoltaic Energy Perceptions Renewable Energy Perceptions Government Policy and Regulation Shifting subsidy mechanisms Green Energy Certificates The Mechanism of Salderen Subpolitics Suppliers NGOs and solar panel installation companies Distribution network operators Profitability Conclusion 90 5

6 Chapter 6 Conclusion 91 Bibliography Books Scientific Articles Online resources Interviews 97 Appendices Appenix I Interview Peter Segaar 2011(Dutch) 98 Appenix II Interview Niels Schoorlemmer 2011(Dutch) 104 Appenix III Interview Michael Lenzen 2011(Dutch) 110 Appenix IV Interview Anne Sypkens Smit 2011(Dutch) 115 Appenix V Interview Michiel Hillenius 2011(Dutch) 119 Appenix VI Interview Job Swens 2011(Dutch) 124 Appenix VII Survey Perceptions on Solar Panels 126 6

7 Table of Figures Figure 1.1. Theoretical Model 23 Figure 2.1. World Primary Energy Demand 29 Figure 2.2. World Energy Consumption by Sector 29 Figure 2.3. World Energy Consumption Figure 2.4. The World s Rising Population 31 Figure 2.5. World Population Growth 32 Figure Growth Variables 33 Figure 2.7. Dutch Electricity Consumption 35 Figure 2.8. Dutch Population Growth 36 Figure Real GDP per Capita in the Netherlands 37 Figure Global Oil Reserves in Figure Global Natural Gas Reserves in Figure Global Coal Reserves in Figure Global Uranium Reserves in Figure Renewable Energy in the Netherlands in Figure Percentage Renewable Energy in the Netherlands in Figure Accumulated Photovoltaic Capacity in the Netherlands 45 Figure European Photovoltaic Energy Diffusion 45 Figure 3.1. Expected prices for green energy certificates in Belgium 52 Figure 4.1. Connections per Dutch Gridmaintainer in Figure 4.2. Market Share of the Three Biggest energy Suppliers Figure 4.3. Percentage Renewable and Conventional Energy Producers 61 Figure 4.4. Electricity Prices 66 Figure 4.5. Green Energy Certificates in the Netherlands 68 Figure 4.6. Origins of Imported Certificates 69 Figure 4.7. Prices of Wind Energy per KWH 70 Figure 4.8. Solar Module Prices per Wattpeak 71 7

8 List of Abbreviations BP CBS CEO CO2 DNO EOS EPR EU GDP GvO IMF IEA MEP MER Mtoe NGO NMa OECD OPEC PJ PV SDE SDE+ USSR UN UNICEF W KW MW GW Wp KWp MWp KWH MWH GWH TWH British Petroleum, an Oil Producer Centraal Bureau van de Statistiek Chief Executive Officer Carbon dioxide, a green house gas Distribution network operators Energie Onderzoek Subsidie Energiepremieregeling, a subsidy European Union Gross Domestic Product Garantie van Oorsprong, a certificate International Monetary Fund International Energy Agency Milieukwaliteit Energie production, a subsidy Milieu effect rapportage, the basis for a licence Million tonne oil equivalent Non-Governmental Organisation Nederlandse Mededingingsautoriteit Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development Organisation of Pretoleum Exporting Countries Pentajoule Programma Verantwoordelijke Subsidie Duurzame Energie, a subsidy Subsidie Duurzame Energie voor hoge capaciteit, a future subsidy United Socialist Sovjets of Russia United Nations United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund Watt Kilowatt Megawatt Gigawatt Wattpeak Kilowattpeak Megawattpeak Kilowatthour Megawatthour Gigawatthour Terrawatthour 8

9 Acknowledgement The reason I started studying political science was that during my high school years the first energy price spikes started to appear, the war on Iraq took place, which was, in the media, characterised as a war over oil reserves, and Robert Newman preformed his hilarious show The history of oil, satirising historical international energy relations and asking attention for the concept of peak oil. This made me highly interested in how political and social institutions would deal with energy scarcity and I believed studying political science could show me how they would. Unfortunately I was able to get my bachelor s degree without ever hearing the words energy scarcity leave any of my professors lips. I was therefore very glad that Professor Mehdi Amineh offered this research project which discussed the basic theories surrounding the political economy of energy and which introduced me to the Dutch energy sector. I would also like to thank him for his support and guidance in the process of writing this thesis. I would furthermore give special thanks to Niels Schoorlemmer, who was kind enough to take the time to give me a general introduction to photovoltaic energy from the private photovoltaic energy producer s point of view, as well as taking the time to have an interview. I would also like to thank Peter Segaar, Job Swens, Anne Sypkens Smit, Michael Lenzen and Michiel Hillenius for taking the time to answer my questions. Lastly I want to thank Laura Sebastian, my proof-reader, for navigating me past all the standard pitfalls Dutch people face when they pretend that they are proficient in English. 9

10 Abstract: The economic successes and prosperity of the Netherlands and the western world have been heavily dependent upon the availability of cheap and abundant energy. In the 21 st century, however, we face the challenge of rapidly depleting fossil fuel reserves. This problem becomes even more eminent when one considers the growing demands in energy from developing nations that are showing high rates of population and economic growth. The challenge of energy scarcity could be met by the diffusion of renewable energy, but the Netherlands have lagged behind in comparison with its European neighbours. Especially in photovoltaic energy, the Netherlands have a significant lower production capacity than its direct neighbours Germany and Belgium. This thesis seeks to answer the question of what the barriers to photovoltaic energy diffusion are. It takes both the perspective of the corporation investing in renewable energy and the perspective of the individual buying a solar panel. It concludes that corporations do not invest as much as they could in renewable energy because of ever-shifting Dutch subsidy mechanisms and because the market in green electricity certificates is inefficient. Demand for green energy is unreliable because consumers associate renewable energy with environmentalism. Supply of certificates heavily outweighs demand because of the import of cheap foreign green energy certificates. It also concludes that most individuals don t buy solar panels because they link them to environmentalism, rather than energy security and because of ever-shifting subsidy mechanisms coupled with an inefficient mechanism of salderen and corporate bullying. 10

11 Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1. Introduction Today, on this very day, there is an affordable technology available, which can make the average household self-sufficient in its energy consumption. A technology that can generate independence from big energy corporations and that can grant the average household with a sense of autonomy in matters relating to energy. A technology that can guarantee household access to electricity during blackouts, that can decrease the size of electricity bills and that gives households the opportunity to significantly contribute to saving the environment. This technology, although not as cheap as some would desire, is well within the purchasing capabilities of the average family and this technology is called solar panels. Unfortunately, the diffusion of photovoltaic energy, that is to say the amount of solar panels installed and the amount of energy generated by those solar panels, has lagged behind in the Netherlands. Whereas in 2009 Germany s installed solar panels could generate a capacity of 9830 MWp, and Belgium s a capacity of 363 MWp, the Netherlands number of solar panels only generated 62 MWp. 1 This is particularly interesting because the international energy market has of late been gaining more and more political significance. Energy prices have become extremely volatile. The oil price, for example, spiked in May 2008 to about 130 Dollars per Barrel, only to fall back to about 40 Dollars a barrel in November of the same year. This volatility might have different causes. The economic rise of developing nations such as China, Brazil and India may have significantly increased the demand of conventional sources of energy, such as oil, natural gas and coal. The production in new oil fields might have been disappointing as the domestic situation of certain oil producing nations might have hindered the supply of oil. Whatever the specific cause, high levels of price volatility have caused many nations to wonder how they will secure the supply of energy and how they will remove the thread of economic decline. The Dutch government and The European Union have therefore been developing policies to secure sources of energy. These policies include the liberalisation of the energy market, development of new nuclear plants and a set of 1 Europe s Energy Portal:

12 stimulation mechanisms for renewable energy. The aim of these policies is to create a more heterogeneous mix of sources of energy, thereby eliminating dependency of a limited amount of sources, reducing risk and therefore increasing energy security. The Netherlands currently are in the advantageous position of being a natural gas producer themselves, which creates a higher level of security of supply than nations without fossil fuel reserves. Being a natural gas producer, however, doesn t save the Netherlands from the spikes in energy prices and the dangers of future energy scarcity. The creation of energy security should not be seen as only the role of the state. To a certain extent individual citizens have a responsibility to create their own energy security. This is possible through the purchasing of solar panels, which allow individual citizens to become small producers of renewable energy. By becoming small producers of renewable energy they can hugely decrease their dependency on external sources of energy, thus creating a high level of energy security for themselves. In short, the rising political significance of energy makes the question why the Netherlands are lagging in photovoltaic energy diffusion all the more relevant. Certain factors in the Netherlands must be keeping individual citizens from purchasing solar panels and generating photovoltaic energy. Most conditions for photovoltaic energy diffusion can be presumed to be similar between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. As neighbouring European countries they have similar prices of solar panels, experience the same volatility in energy prices and live under comparable environmental conditions. Under these comparable conditions it is interesting to study what factors hold back Dutch consumptions of photovoltaic energy. The aim of my thesis will be figure out why the Dutch diffusion of photovoltaic energy is lagging behind. To find an answer to that question I need to develop an understanding of how the Dutch energy sector functions and which barriers and opportunities it creates for renewable energies in general and photovoltaic energy specifically. The research question of this thesis is therefore: What are the barriers to the diffusion of photo-voltaic energy in the Netherlands? 12

13 To answer this research question we will have to answer a number of supporting questions. These questions include the questions what is the current energy situation in the Netherlands and the World?, What are the potential and actual roles of governments in Renewable energy diffusion., How are Dutch renewable energy policy and profitability of renewable energy creating barriers of entry from the corporate energy sector? and How are Dutch renewable energy policy, profitability of photovoltaic energy, subpolitics and consumer perceptions creating barriers of entry from photovoltaic energy diffusion for individual citizens? 1.2. Theoretical Framework In this section we will review relevant theories, that may help us to better understand photovoltaic energy diffusion and its barriers and thus to answer our research question. We will first have a discussion about the important theories concerning energy scarcity. Then we continue with a discussion on consumer and corporate responsibility. Subsequently we will talk about barriers to entry, which will be followed by the Brandz model on how to understand perceptions. Lastly, we will discuss subpolitics. At the end of this paragraph we will combine these theories into a coherent theoretical framework on how energy scarcity leads to photovoltaic energy diffusion. It is important to understand that the combination of these theories will help us to identify the barriers to photovoltaic energy diffusion, which are the focus of this thesis. It is not meant as model, that is to be tested, that measures the relationship between energy scarcity and renewable energy diffusion, or photovoltaic energy diffusion in particular. Such relation would be tautological, because energy scarcity an sich is the lack of energy diffusion of all kinds. If we follow the assumption in this thesis that energy scarcity in itself is undesirable, than the natural reaction to energy scarcity is to strive for an optimal combination of the diffusion of all types of energy. While energy scarcity makes the question of lagging photovoltaic energy diffusion and the related barriers enormously relevant, it should in no way be seen as the main focus of this thesis and could easily be replaced by other major social issues such as the environment, unreliable energy corporations or unacceptably high electricity prices. We do not expect these other problems to be very eminent problems as of yet. This would make the question of barriers to photovoltaic energy an 13

14 insufficiently relevant to dedicate a thesis to it. Energy scarcity, as we will see in chapter two, is an eminent current and future threat which answering the main question of this thesis relevant. This theoretical framework will help us to identify the actors and mechanisms involved the process of photovoltaic energy diffusion and will therefore help us to identify barriers that are currently blocking the diffusion of photovoltaic energy Energy Scarcity One of the leading concepts in this thesis is energy scarcity. Energy scarcity signifies a situation in which demand for energy is larger than the (direct) supply of energy. This raises a set of interesting questions concerning distribution, social sideeffects and politics. How does one determine who deserves access to energy when there is only a fixed amount available? How does one minimise the harm done to those who are deprived access to energy? What can a government and a society do to minimise scarcity? In short, energy scarcity generates a lot of discussion and activity. To map energy scarcity we will use the energy scarcity model by Amineh and Houweling (2007: ), which divides energy scarcity into three subcategories: demand-induced, supply-induced and structural scarcity. Demand-induced and supply-induced scarcity practically cannot be divided. The question whether there is too much demand can only be answered when adequate demand is benchmarked to a certain level of energy supply. Likewise a certain level of energy supply can only be adequate when benchmarked to a certain energy demand. It is, however, necessary to artificially divide demand-induced and supply-induced scarcity to make meaningful remarks on the changes in an energy situation. Demand-induced scarcity is a subcategory that assumes an unchanging energy supply. When the level of supply does not change, but the demand for energy does increase, this creates a scarcity of energy. Three factors increase the demand for energy: population growth, rising domestic income and technological change. Population growth increases the demand for energy, when people maintain their level of energy consumption, because there will be more people consuming the same amount of energy, therefore there is more demand. Rising domestic income, usually measured by GDP per capita, means that the average person in a country has more money to spend. This new wealth allows them to consume products and use 14

15 equipment that they weren t able to afford before. The consumption and use of these new products will increase the amount of energy the average person consumes, thus increasing demand. Technological change increases demand, because technological innovation will make older technology more affordable, therefore increasing their proliferation in less wealthy countries. Apart from increasing energy consumption in less wealthy countries, this proliferation decreases the political and economic hegemony of wealthier countries. To maintain their hegemony, wealthier countries need to innovate technologically and adopt more technological equipments, thus consuming more energy. Supply-induced scarcity is a subcategory that assumes an unchanging demand for energy. Energy scarcity is thus born out of a dwindling supply of energy. This may be because reserves have been depleted or because extraction is more difficult and involves higher costs. Supply-induced scarcity is generally associated with volatile pricing, because of investment speculation. Structural scarcity is a subcategory that assumes that factual demand and supply of energy are not the only things that determine scarcity as institutional actors might deliberately create energy shortages. Such actions include cartels such as OPEC reducing production, major powers limiting the supply of energy to an enemy for strategic reasons and wars and civil wars, which harm the security of energy supply. Now that we understand how to indicate energy scarcity, it is important to look to what energy scarcity means on a political level. Gurr (1985) tells us, in his article The Political Consequences of Scarcity and Economic decline that energy scarcity has three subsequent consequences. These three consequences show us why it is far more important to avoid energy scarcity, than to avoid, for example, a sugar scarcity. Firstly there are the economic consequences of scarcity, which in themselves are political in nature because they decide the level of access ordinary citizens have to essential life commodities such as food, housing and everyday household appliances. Energy scarcity will make it harder for companies to produce these items, therefore increasing price and reducing access of those with smaller wallets. Gurr mentions that the rapidity of the increase of scarcity has an enormous effect on the ability of societies to cope with scarcity. If a decline in energy supply is slow, businesses may find additional ways to produce essential life commodities, while a rapid decline 15

16 disables the development of alternatives. In rapid decline, the profitability of alternatives starts to fall before actual production of alternatives has started. A Second consequence is group hostility and domestic conflicts. The limits to or lack of access to essential life commodities will create the perception of hardness within the general population and will make the call for government intervention in the form of price regulation and wealth distribution. Governments are however under similar pressures from international and domestic financial elites to financial austerity. Government spending must be limited to make financial funds available in the private sector. Thus, this aggravates domestic relations and leads to conflicts. Lastly democratic government becomes impossible. The most apparent examples of successful democracies all had a (nearly) continuously growing economy, which meant that civilians knew that in the future they would most likely be better off. Responsibility for how well off they were was entirely their own. Without a growing economy, however, people are locked into social classes. In the future they will at best be as well off as they are now. The best way to increase the wealth of your class is through government intervention. Without economic growth, one class can only gain by another class losing. In a democracy, different classes will be represented by different parties, who will have no basis for cooperation or compromise. Understanding the political consequences of energy scarcity means that we have to understand possible remedies to scarcity. Mackay (2008: ) discusses the opportunities several sources of energy offer in the provision of energy security in his work Sustainable Energy without the hot air. In this work he argues for inclusive measures. Governments and societies should not only strive for security of supply, they should also try to limit their consumption to sustainable measures and increase the efficiency in the provision of essential services and production of essential commodities. Cutbacks in energy consumption are thus inevitable. To secure supply of energy Mackay argues for a diverse mix of energy. Reliance on fossil fuels should be limited because they are guaranteed to run out, but overdependence on either nuclear or renewable energy is not a proper alternative. A mix of different sources is necessary, regardless of their advantages and disadvantages. The call for this mix makes it imperative to include alternative sources of energy in an analysis of the current energy situation. Mackay does not, however, indicate which actors should take the responsibility in attaining this diverse mix. 16

17 Consumer and Corporate Social Responsibility In the last paragraph we have established that energy scarcity will have undesirable effects on economy, society and democracy. In this paragraph we will discuss the actors that may take responsibility for avoiding those undesirable effects. We will begin by having a brief look at government monopoly of the energy sector. Then we will look at corporate social responsibility. After that we will have a look at the responsibility of individual consumers and lastly we will bring those together. The most apparent actor that should take responsibility for energy scarcity is the government. Energy scarcity is a problem that concerns the whole of society and has a direct effect on main governmental duties, such as providing security and subsistence. The way governments may take responsibility is, however, counterproductive. Full government responsibility in case of energy security would entail nationalising the energy sector, thus creating a government monopoly. Government monopolies are, however, hugely inefficient. They are deprived of all market incentives, because they have no competitors and no longer need to make a profit, because they can now be financed by taxes. Without these market incentives the energy sector is not stimulated to innovate (Fisher 1985: ). For the energy sector in particular this would mean subtle changes in energy prices and would not constitute a shift towards new sources of energy, because the sector will mainly be occupied with securing supply, rather than securing the cheapest supply. The absence of this subtle shift will hinder the diffusion of renewable energy. Because governments know the inefficiency of government monopolies they generally avoid the measure, opting instead for regulations and subsidies to stimulate sustainability. It should, nevertheless, be mentioned that government policy, subsidies and regulations shape markets and the incentives for corporations and individuals in those markets to take social responsibility. These policies, subsidies and regulations still leave the largest chunk of responsibility with corporations and individual consumers. We should therefore have a better look at corporate and consumer social responsibility. Corporate social responsibility may refer to two things. It may refer to empirical responsibility, that is, corporations taking responsibility for social problems 17

18 and it may refer to normative responsibility, that is, corporations being held responsible for social problems through legislation. We will mainly focus on the first form of responsibility. Corporate social responsibility is the responsibility corporations have to make decisions to avoid practices that have negative social consequences, even when these practices are more profitable than the alternatives and there are no government regulations forcing this corporation to avoid these practices. It does not refer to corporations buying off the negative consequences of their practices by supporting unrelated charities (Carroll 1999: ). A casino that gives a part of its profits to UNICEF is not a socially responsible corporation. A casino that denies gambling addicts access is a socially responsible corporation. This responsibility exists because corporations have a large influence on the opportunities and means of ordinary citizens. Davis s iron law of influence states that the social responsibility of businesses should be equal to their social power (Carroll 1999: 271). There are three apparent motivations for corporate social responsibility. The first is intrinsic motivation, a CEO of a company feels strongly about a certain social problem. The second finds its grounds in public relations. NGOs may contend a certain issue. To stay out of the bad graces of the NGO and remain a respectable company in the eyes of the public, corporations may act responsibly. An example of this is the relative absence of child labour in big brands. Lastly there is profitability, a corporation may act responsibly because there is a group of socially responsible consumers who are currently not consuming the irresponsible brands. An example of this is make up that has not been tested on animals (Baron 2001: 9-10). In the case of energy scarcity the main way of taking responsibility is producing renewable energy. The problem with renewable energy is that costs of renewable energy fall after the first moving corporation invests in it. Other corporations may thus profit from one company s initial investment, thus making investment unattractive. A socially responsible energy company would invest in the production of renewable energy. Next to Corporate social responsibility is consumer social responsibility. This concept is exchangeable with concepts such as ethnic consumers, consumer citizenship, political consumerism and politicised markets. The basis of consumer social responsibility lies in the idea that consumers have certain social concerns and as 18

19 rational autonomous consumers use their decisions to purchase one brand rather than another as a vote to address that concern and create better social outcomes (Caruana & Crane 2006: ). In practice consumer social responsibility means that consumers abandon a product that might be lower of price or higher of quality for a product that they regard as a just product. The reason that consumers take responsibility is because they feel that the political body is failing to bring about social justice and that they themselves have to act to remove social injustice. These injustices can be domestic or international. The perception of injustice differs between consumers. Some take responsibility because they don t want dirty hand from consuming products that cause social injustice. They don t want to feel responsible for the social injustices. Others will take responsibility because they want to signify to others that they are socially responsible people. Responsible consumption is a measure of non-materialistic self-expression. A last group consumes responsibly because they believe that lack of consumption will incentivise wrongdoing businesses to stop creating injustice by switching to more ethical business practices (Micheletti et al. 2009: Pp X-XI, 5-9). We have established that empirical corporate and consumer responsibility exists and has certain causes. This, however, does not give any tangible answers to how energy scarcity should be avoided and who must bear the largest chunk of responsibility for it. We need a normative concept of the division of social responsibility. In the field of environmental studies, such debate already exists. Models from this debate discuss whether producers (corporations) or consumers should be held responsible for CO2 emissions. The principles behind these models can also be used to determine responsibility in energy scarcity. Some models assume full producer responsibility, because they create scarcity-increasing products, and some assume full consumer responsibility, because consumers keep buying scarcityincreasing products. The problem with those approaches is that the contributions to scarcity from the non-responsible party should be zero in order to truly be unaccountable for the problems. Therefore responsibility for scarcity must be shared. A large chunk of responsibility lies with consumers because they chose to consume scarcity-increasing products, but an evenly large chunk of responsibility lies with corporations because they structure the abilities for consumers to consume scarcityincreasing products (Lenzen et al. 2007: 31-32) 19

20 Barriers to Entry Barriers to entry refer to phenomena in the organisation of a market that make it harder for new businesses to enter an industry. A high amount of barriers lessen the competitiveness of an industry, which may not only lead to higher prices for consumers, but may ward off innovation in that industry, thus robbing society as a whole of a higher standard of welfare (Weizsäcker 1980: ). While barriers of entry should not be seen as a catch all term for all obstacles to renewable energy diffusion, we will regard renewable energy producers and individual solar energy producers as actors who are trying to enter the Dutch energy market and experience some barriers. The framework of barriers to entry will furthermore help us to structure research in a manner that may make other (non-entry) barriers evident. There are a number of standard barriers to entry; we will discuss the ones that are relevant to the diffusion of renewable energy. The most apparent barrier is profitability. Many studies point out that some markets are advantageous for incumbents because of high initial investments, economies of scale or abilities for product differentiation. These elements may make entering an industry less profitable which means that new businesses will have a hard time finding funds to finance entering new markets. A second well-known barrier is government regulation. Government regulations, such as requiring a licence to enter, may create a bureaucratic workload that makes entering a new market harder, less appealing and less profitable, which will be in the advantage of incumbent companies. A third barrier is consumer perceptions. New entrants may have to deal with an extensive marketing budget from an incumbent which leaves consumers to hold specific associations with a particular brand rather than with the product. Furthermore consumers may hold negative perceptions concerning an element of new business s practices, which will stop them from buying from new businesses. An example of this is Europe s distaste for genetically modified food. This makes it harder to enter an industry. Lastly there is a cluster of barriers, which we summarise as subpolitics. Broadly speaking this means that social movements, NGOs or business clusters have organised markets in a way that makes entering an industry harder. A clear example is contracts between incumbents and supplying companies in which supplying companies can only supply to incumbents. (Demsetz 1982: Pp 49-55) 20

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